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A Study on the Caligraphy as a modern concept of art (근대적 예술 개념으로서의 서예에 관한 연구)

  • Kim, Hee Jeong
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.50
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    • pp.295-318
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    • 2013
  • The purpose of this study was to define the 'caligraphy as a modern concept of art. For this purpose, it was necessary to exclude the elements betraying 'the caligraphy as a pure art' in reference to 'autonomy' as an indicator of modernity in order to reflect on the current topology of the caligraphy in our age. Checking the current conditions facing the caligraphy from the pre-modern, modern and post-modern perspectives will clarify the current topology of the caligraphy and further exploring 'the caligraphy as a post-modern art concept. To this end, this study defines the caligraphy 'as a pure formative art' and thereby discusses it in terms of nature and form. In terms of nature, the caligraphy should be subsumed into a spacial art, but it has a nature of a temporal art created and appreciated over time. Hence, among the spacial arts, the painting is most similar to the caligraphy, while among the temporal arts, the caligraphy is most similar to such rhythmic (of high mobility) or performing arts as music and dance. Merely, the painting does not reveal the flow of time on the canvas, while music and dance leave no residual in terms of audibility and visuality. All in all, the caligraphy is sort of 'temporal-spacial art' like dance in that the visible letters express the artist's sense of life on the plane over time like music. In terms of form, this study compares the caligraphy with engraving, wood print and character design to define the caligraphy as a pure art concept. The caligraphy as a modern art concept, namely, the autonomy of the caligraphy is associated with legibility and meaning in addition to the question whether it is an applied or a pure art. The legibility and meaning of the characters are not only the essential elements of the caligraphy but also are the factors limiting its autonomy, which must be a paradox. All in all, the legibility and meaning of the characters must be the key criteria for determining the caligraphy as a practical art or literary art or as a pure figurative art. In this context, this study discusses the caligraphy as a pure art by comparing it with the spatial art 'painting' and the temporal art 'music.' It might be impossible to define the caligraphy or a genre of art as an autonomous art of self-perfection and categorical identity. Moreover, any attempt to define the caligraphy would fail to interpret the caligraphy appropriately. Merely, we are obliged to position the caligraphy in the process of localizing 'their modernity' and thereby, discuss how to respond to their scheme.

The Cultural Landscapes of Wuyi-Gugok of China as seen from the 「Landscape of the Jiuqu River in the Wuyi Mountain」 in British Library (대영도서관 소장 「무이산구곡계전도(武夷山九曲溪全圖)」로 본 중국 무이구곡의 문화경관상)

  • Cheng, Zhao-Xia;Rho, Jae-Hyun;Jiang, Cheng
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.37 no.4
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    • pp.11-31
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    • 2019
  • Taking the painting, 「Landscape of the Jiuqu River in the Wuyi Mountain」 as the study object, which was produced in the middle of Qing Dinasty and collected by the British Library, this paper analyzes the scenery names recorded in the painting, and describes the landscape of the mountain, port and ships, architectural elements, civil elements, character, stone inscription and other scenery in the painting. The investigation results of the cultural landscape properties of each Gok are as follows: According to statistics, there are 28 architectural elements in the painting, including 7 pavilions (25%), 4 temples (14.3%), 3 Colleges and Taoist temple (10.7%), 2 Dowon(道院) and villages (7.1%); 29 civil elements, including 9 holes (31%), 6 Historical Sites (20.7%), 3 Stations(臺) (10.3%), 2 Ferries, 2 Bridges, and 2 Ponds (6.9%), 1 Garden, 1 Gate, 1 Mine(坑), 1 Well and 1 Remains(3.4%). These physical factors and civil factors are the important relics reflected the cultural landscape attributes of Wuyi-Gugok in the middle of the 18th century. Among the shape element in each Gok, the 1st Gok have 12 shape elements(21.1%), the 5th Gok 11(19.3%), the 4th Gok 9(15.8%), the 9th Gok 8(14%), the 3rd Gok 7(12.3%), the 6th Gok 4(7%), the 2nd Gok 3(5.3%), the 7th Gok 2(3.5%), and the 8th Gok 1(2%). Through collation, it is found that the 1st Gok, 5th Gok and 4th Gok have more prominent cultural landscape characteristics. In addition, according to the description of scenic spot types in 『Muisanji(武夷山志)』, there are 38 types of scenery description in the painting, of which, the three scenery of big rock, peak, small rock occupy the vast majority. This reflects the Danxia(丹霞) landform characteristics of Wuyi-Gugok. The cultural connotation of Wuyi Mountain expressed and contained in the painting is analyzed and interpreted, and it is found that the Jiuqu(九曲) River in the Wuyi Mountain has Neo-confucianism culture, Taoism culture, Buddhism culture, Tea culture and so on. In addition, among the 171 scenery names shown in the painting, there are altogether 7 stone inscriptions that are consistent with or have the same meaning as the rock inscriptions site, including 3 for inscriptions praising the landscape, 3 for philosophical inscription and 1 for auspicious language inscription, which is considered as the important basis for the mutual textuality between the pictures and the stone inscriptions.

A Characteristics of 16 Scenes of Chilitan and Management of Chiltanjung, Milyang (밀양 칠탄정 경영과 칠리탄 16경의 경관특성)

  • Kim, Soo-jin;Jung, Hae-Joon
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.37 no.3
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    • pp.22-36
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    • 2019
  • This research identified landscape characteristics of Chilitan(칠리탄) area, which had been managed by Son Giyang(1559~1617, p. Ohhan), in order to understand the political viewpoint and ideal landscapes, sought after by Confucian scholars in the 16~17th century. As the research method for the interpretation of each scene's spatial strucutres and meanings, paintings and poems in Chiltanjungsipyukgyeongdo(the Paintings of the 16 Scenes of Chiltanjung Area) were analyzed, which were followed by the on-site survey. Son lived hermit life with the nature after he decided to retire into the country for the chaotic political environment in the 4th year of Gwanghaegun's reign. Admiring Eum Jareung(B.C. 39-41, p. Eumgwang)'s hermit life, he named a headstream to Chilitan, erected pavilion and made place for angling by the stream, as Eum did in the hermitage. However he worried the king and royal politics in spite of his hermit life, which showed his political viewpoint of Confucianism. In addition, every column of buildings in the garden was named in order to imply both thoughts of Neo-Confucianism and Idleness Naturalism, which highlight a moral training and being comfortable amid poverty and taking pleasure in and honest life style. The present landscape of wonlim could be back to 1936, where Unganru, Byeokripjae and Chiltanjung are surrounding Eupcheondang. Chines character, such as Jimamsuseok, Giam, Ohhansonsunseongjanggujiso and Jogi, are inscribed on the rocks in the landscape garden, from which placeness could be inferred. According to the record of the construction, pine, fir, paulownia, ginkgo, peach trees, bamboo and lotus were planted, and ginkgo, bamboo, crape myrtle, pine and chestnut tress are still living in the garden, which mean plants had been planted in the light of their practical values as well as symbolic meanings. The method for describing 16 scenes of Chiltanjung could be characterized to the structure of 「Place+Scene(a particural activity, event, or action), and these placeness could be analyzed by categorizing the scene to near, middle and far views. Each scene symbolically presents a hermit, noble man, Taoist ideology, homeland, or peacetime, which were adpoted to depict landscapes of Chiltanjung area as the Confucian utopia.

Technological Diversities Observed in Bronze Objects of the Late Goryo Period - Case Study on the Bronze Bowls Excavated from the Burial Complex at Deobu-gol in Goyang - (고려 말 청동용기에 적용된 제작기술의 다양성 연구 - 고양 더부골 고분군 출토 청동용기를 중심으로 -)

  • Jeon, Ik Hwan;Lee, Jae Sung;Park, Jang Sik
    • MUNHWAJAE Korean Journal of Cultural Heritage Studies
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    • v.46 no.1
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    • pp.208-227
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    • 2013
  • Twenty-seven bronze bowls excavated from the Goryo burial complex at Deobu-gol were examined for their microstructure and chemical composition to characterize the bronze technology practiced by commoners at the time. Results showed that the objects examined can be classified into four groups: 1) objects forged out of Cu-near 22%Sn alloys and then quenched; 2) objects cast from Cu-below 10% Sn alloys containing lead; 3) objects cast from Cu-10%~20% Sn alloys containing lead and then quenched; 4) objects forged out of Cu-10~20% Sn alloys containing lead and then quenched. This study revealed that the fabrication technique as determined by alloy compositions plays an important role in bronze technology. The use of lead was clearly associated with the selection of quenching temperatures, the character of inclusions and the color characteristics of bronze surfaces. It was found that the objects containing lead were quenched at temperatures of $520^{\circ}{\sim}586^{\circ}C$ while those without lead were quenched at the range of $586^{\circ}{\sim}799^{\circ}C$. The presence of selenium in impurity inclusions was detected only in alloys containing lead, suggesting that the raw materials, Cu and Sn, used in making the lead-free alloys for the first group were carefully selected from those smelted using ores without lead contamination. Furthermore, the addition of lead was found to have significant effects on the color characteristics of the surface of bronze alloys when they are subjected to corrosion during interment. In leaded alloys, corrosion turns the surface light green or dark green while in unleaded alloys, corrosion turns the surface dark brown or black. It was found that in fabrication, the wall thickness of the bronze bowls varies depending on the application of quenching; most of the quenched objects have walls 1mm thick or below while those without quenching have walls 1mm thick or above. Fabrication techniques in bronze making usually reflect social environments of a community. It is likely that in the late Goryo period, experiencing lack of skilled bronze workers, the increased demand for bronze was met in two ways; by the use of chief lead instead of expensive tin and by the use of casting suitable for mass production. The above results show that the Goryo bronze workers tried to overcome such a resource-limited environment through technological innovations as apparent in the use of varying fabrication techniques for different alloys. Recently, numerous bronze objects are excavated and available for investigation. This study shows that with the use of proper analytical techniques they can serve as a valuable source of information required for the characterization of the associated technology as well as the social environment leading to the establishment of such technology.

Maegamdo(梅龕圖), Symbol of Chinese and Korean Scholary Comespondence in the 19th Century (19세기 한중(韓中) 묵연(墨緣)의 상징, 매감도(梅龕圖))

  • Kim, Hyun Kwon
    • MUNHWAJAE Korean Journal of Cultural Heritage Studies
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    • v.45 no.1
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    • pp.16-33
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    • 2012
  • Maehwa blossom(梅花) has been favoured in literary and artistic works in the East Asia as one of representing symbols of virtuous men's character. Maehwaseookdo(梅花書屋圖) is one of major forms of painting. This paper starts from the birth of Maehwaseookdo since it aims to examine the following points: its structural origin of the Gurimaehwachonsado(九里梅花村舍圖) style; how this style was distributed in Korea; process and features of Maegamdo(梅龕圖). The current academic world admits Maehwaseookdo is originated from an ancient story of Lim Po(林逋). Even though Maehwaseookdo and Lim Po story can be linked to a meaning of schoarly hermitage, ways to structure works are hard to compare paintings based on Lim Po story. While paintings related to Limpo story such as Banghakdo(放鶴圖) and Gwanmaedo(觀梅圖) depict a scholar(s) and a few Maehwa trees with cranes, Maehwaseookdo presents scholarly hermitage with a lot of Maehwa trees which encircle a house building. As other paintings related to Maehwa blossom were widely painted since the nationwide popularity of the theme of Maehwa, Maehwaseookdo was not drown throughout the whole period of time. Since Goryeo, Maehwa paintings including Sehansamu(歲寒三友), ordinary Maehwado as one of the Four Gentlemen's plants, and Tammaedo(探梅圖) which was based on ancient anecdote of Maeng Hoyeon. Maehwaseookdo, however, was created exclusively in the 19th century. In China a similar feature took place much earlier period which was in the 17th century. Accordingly we can assume that these patterns which paintings in particular styles were generated by particular cultural phenomena. The reason why Joseon's Maehwaseookdo works were painted exclusively in the 19th century was that Kim Jeonghee's party and Sin wi had acquaintanceship with Jang Sim(張深) who got work orders for Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁). In these corresponding activities, two types of Maehwa paintings were exchanged. In China, scholars usually drew paintings in the type of Gurimaehwachonsado(九里梅花村舍圖) depicting scenic views of Guriju(九里洲) which was riverside area under the Mt. Buchun(富春山). This place surrounded by thousands and hundreds of Maehwa trees was where Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁) was about to retire to hermitage in. In this repect, Joseon scholars painted Maegamdo(梅龕圖) depicting a scene of a shrine with Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁)'s poetry books surrounded by Maehwa trees for paying tribute to the wall of Maehwa trees(Maebyeok(梅癖)). This seems to adapt the format of 'Manmae(萬梅)' which appeared in the type of Gurimaehwachonsado. One of the representing works of this, is painted or supervised by Sinwi. Paintings in two types with respective meanings were combined by which was estimated to be painted by Sin Wi, then it became a structural base of by Jang Sim(張深) This type of Maegamdo brought the popularity of Maewhoseookdo which once had another name of 'Manmaeseookdo(萬梅書屋圖)' by a group of scholars such as Jo Heeyong, in the 19th century. All things considered, this paper can be a sort of precedent phrase to find out the birth of Manmaeseookdo which was very popular in the late 19th century.

A Study on the Period of Commendatorying Jeongnyeo(旌閭) of Yukjeollyeo(六節閭) in Hoengseong-gun and People of Yukjeol(六節) (횡성군 육절려(六節閭)의 정려표창 연기(年記)와 육절 대상인물 고찰)

  • Lee, Sang-kyun
    • MUNHWAJAE Korean Journal of Cultural Heritage Studies
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    • v.47 no.2
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    • pp.20-31
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    • 2014
  • This thesis aims to how Seo Ye-won(徐禮元) who was the main character of Yukjeollyeo(六節閭) which means tangible cultural properties can receive Jeongnyeo(旌閭) and when he received it clearly. Also this thesis concentrates on why the name of 'Yukjeollyeo' was used even if there are five Jeongnyeos in the Yukjeollyeo. Lastly, this thesis also focuses on the people related to YookJeol. Seo Ye-won passed away with his family in 1593 when he acted as a head of local administration. In that time, the Jinjuseong(晉州城) battle was originated from Korea-Japan war(1592). After his death, Hoengseong(橫城) family(門中) and Confucian scholar made petition for administration in 1811. As a result Seo Ye-won and his wife Lady Lee of the Jeonju-Lee clan(全州李氏) were celebrated as the Jeongnyeo and Jeongyeogak was built in 1817. And his son(Seo Gye-seong:徐繼聖), Seo Gye-seong's wife Lady Noh of the Pungcheon-Noh clan(豊川盧氏), Seo Ye-won's daughter who were not married also could receive Jeongnyeo as Hoengseong family and confucian scholar made additional petition for administration in 1832. For these reasons, Jeongnyeogak(旌閭閣) was called 'Ojeongnyeo(五旌閭)'. After that, Miryang(密陽) family wanted to move it because Seon Ye-won is not the eldest son in the Hoengseoung family. But it could not be enforced and they made a new Yeokak(閭閣) and called 'Yukjeollyeo'. From that time to 1945, the name of Jeongnyeo in the Hoengseong had been still used 'OjeongYeo' and the signboard of Yukjeollyeo was hanged in Jeongnyeo in Hoengseong after 1945. Although there are five people who can get prize of Jeongnyeo, the reason why the name of 'YookJeol' is to memorize the loyalty of Seo Gye-cheol(徐繼哲) who was Seo Ye-won's second son. Hoengseong family made a representation to the government in order to made Seo Gye-cheol receive Jeongnyeo but he could not be celebrated. For these reasons, the loalty of Seo Gye-cheol with five people who received Jeongnyeo has been celebrated as 'YukJeol'. Through this study we could find the record of Yukjeollyeo and historic point clearly.

A Study on the Space Planning and Landscape of 'Unjoru(雲鳥樓)' as Illustrated in the Family Hereditary Drawing, "Jeolla Gurye Ohmidong Gado(全羅求禮五美洞家圖)" ('전라구례오미동가도(全羅求禮五美洞家圖)'를 통해 본 운조루(雲鳥樓)의 공간배치계획과 경관 고찰)

  • Shin, Sang-sup
    • MUNHWAJAE Korean Journal of Cultural Heritage Studies
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    • v.46 no.4
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    • pp.48-63
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    • 2013
  • The results of the study on the space planning and landscape design of Unjoru(雲鳥樓) through the 'Jeolla Gurye Omidong Gado(全羅求禮五美洞家圖)' drawn using GyeHwa(界畵) technique are as follows. First, 'Omidong Gado' is believed to date back to the period when Unjoru(1776~1783) was established for the following reasons: (1) The founder, Yoo-IJu(柳爾?), sent the drawing for the house while he was serving as the governor of YongCheon county(龍川府史). (2) It shows the typical dwelling houses' space division and its location is in a good spot with mountain in the back and water in front(背山臨水) and there is every indication of scheme drawing. (3) Front gate was changed and remodeled to a lofty gate in 1804. Second, Nogodan & Hyeongjebong of Jiri Mountain sit at the back of Unjoru, and faces Obong mountain and Gyejok mountain. In addition, the Dongbang stream flowing to the east well illustrates the Pungsu theory of mountain in the back and water in the front. Third, the house is structured in the shape resembling the character 品, divided into 5 areas by hierarchical order in the cross line from all directions. The site, which includes the outdoor yard and the back garden, consists of 5 blocks, 6 yards and 2 gardens. Fourth, the outdoor yard with aesthetical value and anti-fire function, is an ecological garden influenced by Confucianism and Taoism with a pond (BangJiWonDo Type, 方池圓島形) at the center. Fifth, the Sarang yard(舍廊庭) is decorated with terrace garden and flower garden, and the landscaping components such as oddly shaped stone, crane, plum, pine tree, tamarisk tree and flowering plants were used to depict the ideal fairy land and centrally placed tree for metaphysical symbolism. The upper floor of Sarangchae commands distant and medium range view, as well as upwards and downwards. The natural landscape intrudes inside, and at the same time, connects with the outside. Sixth, pine forest over the northern wall and the intentionally developed low hill are one of the traditional landscaping techniques that promotes pleasant residential environment as well as the aesthetics of balanced fullness.

About a Wind-chime excavated from WolnamSaji(月南寺址) in GangJin (강진 월남사지(月南寺址) 출토 금동풍탁(金銅風鐸)에 대하여)

  • Sung, Yun-Gil
    • MUNHWAJAE Korean Journal of Cultural Heritage Studies
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    • v.50 no.1
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    • pp.18-41
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    • 2017
  • The Gangjin WolnamSaji(月南寺址) is a small site where three-story pagodas and a destroyed tombstone remained. In 1973, it was discovered that the destroyed tombstone was that of the second master of Susunsa, Hye shim(慧諶), who had a special relationship with the military regime in Goryeo, and it once again attracted attention as a result of the recent excavation of the Rooftile of Yeonhwamun(蓮花文). In particular, the Windchime excavated in 2012 is a large-sized one group with a length of 23cm, and a relatively large Sanskrit character was decorated on four sides of the body. In addition, it was also confirmed in preservation process that the word 'gaecheon(盖天)' was engraved. The Sanskrit characters(梵字) om( , oṃ), a( , a), hum( , hūṃ), brum( , bhrūṃ) were decorated on the body of the Wind-chime excavated in WolnamSaji. Om( , oṃ), a( , a), hum( , hūṃ) are known as the Sammiljineon(三密眞言) and brum( , bhrūṃ) has the meaning of having the highest honor. In addition, the Sammiljineon(三密眞言) allows us to understand the truth by responding to the principle of universe, which is the Vairocana Buddha(毘盧遮那佛), and brum( , bhrūṃ) has the meaning of unity. In the end, the meaning of the Sanskrit decorating the four sides of the Wind-chime, of WolnamSaji(月南寺址), can be interpreted as the expression of the Buddha's doctrine, or the willingness to be combined with Buddha, the highest existence in itself. It is possible that the word 'gaecheon(盖天)' carved on the body can be regarded as the name of the master craftsman related to the making of the Wind-chime, but it is unlikely that it is the name of the master craftsman, considering that it is a place where the location is not easily seen. If so, you can think of the original function that the Wind-chime has. In other words, it can be interpreted symbolically and implicitly that the wish of the sound of the airwaves symbolized by the words of the Buddha covers the sky and spreads all over the place. It is thought that the Wind-chime excavated in WolnamSaji(月南寺址) was made in the mid to late 13th century considering the comparisons with another wind-chime excavated from the temple site, the historical situation in the late Goryeo, the publication date of the scriptures(經典) of Esoteric Buddhism(密敎).

A Study on a Drainage Facility of the Western Shore in Wolji Pond (월지(月池) 서측 호안의 출수시설(出水施設)에 관한 고찰)

  • Oh, Jun-Young
    • MUNHWAJAE Korean Journal of Cultural Heritage Studies
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    • v.51 no.3
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    • pp.72-87
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    • 2018
  • This study highlights a drainage gate and a ditch, which existed around the whole area of the western shore of Wolji Pond(月池) and focuses on a possible connection between the drainage facility on the western shore and the historical drainage system of Wolji Pond. Specifically, it primarily considered locations and the form of a drainage gate, the relationship between northwestern ditch of Wolji Pond and the drainage gate, and the establishment period and the character of the drainage facility on the western shore. The drainage gate found in excavation in 1975 is determined as the same facility as Surakgu(水落口) recorded on an actual measurement drawing, 1922. Therefore, it is highly probable that there were already the drainage facility in the western shore of Wolji Pond before the 1920s. The drainage gate constructed by processing rectangular stones has four drainage holes for controlling water level. The way of the drainage through the drainage holes is the same as that of the northern shore of Wolji Pond. From a cadastral map drawn in 1913, it is found that the ditch existed in northwest of Wolji Pond. The ditch was proximate to the drainage gate and shared the same axes. Hence, the ditch and the drainage gate are determined as a organic facility connected to the drainage system of Wolji Pond. In particular, the ditch existed in northwest of Wolji Pond is the basis for judging that the drainage facility in the western shore were established before the 1910s. Water flowed in through drainage holes of the drainage gate is drained into the northwest of Wolji Pond, through the ditch. The establishment period and the intention of the drainage facility on the western shore can be interpreted in two aspects. First, they might be 'a agricultural irrigation facility in the Joseon era', given that Wolji Pond was recorded as a agricultural reservoir, and that the whole northwestern area of Wolji Pond was used as farm land areas. Second, they might be 'a drainage facility for controlling the water level in creating Wolji Pond', given that the drainage gate was annexed to the lower shore forming the waterline of Wolji Pond, and that the hight of drainage holes on top of the drainage gate was similar to the full water level of Wolji Pond. Considering the related grounds and circumstance, the latter possibility is high.

The Distributional Patterns of Silla Burial Grounds and the Character of Outer Coffin Tombs in Jjoksaem Site, Gyeongju (쪽샘유적 신라고분 분포양상과 목곽묘의 성격)

  • Yun, Hyoung-Jun
    • MUNHWAJAE Korean Journal of Cultural Heritage Studies
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    • v.50 no.4
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    • pp.198-221
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    • 2017
  • The Jjoksaem site is the eastern sector of Daereungwon Ancient Tomb Complex, Gyeongju(the 512th Historic site) called Wolseong North Burial Ground in academic community. The excavation and research of this site was conducted from 2007 to 2015, with the purpose of basic data offering for the restoration of Silla tumuli and development of ancient tomb park. As a result of the investigation, more than 700 new tombs were discovered except the 155 tumuli founded in the Japanese colonial era. Moreover, more than 70 percent of the smaller tombs, such as outer coffin tombs, were discovered here. There are four characteristics of outer coffin tombs in Jjoksaem site. First, it is recognized the Gyeongju-styled outer coffin tombs have a long rectangular shape, distinct from Gimhae-styled outer coffin tombs in a rectangular shape. Second, they are divided into three groups by the size of the grave area. This is indirectly related to the rank and the status of the buried person. Third, these tombs began to be constructed at the end of the 3rd century before the time of wooden chamber tombs covered by stone and earthen mound. They were ruined because of the new tombs constructed at the period of Maripgan. This reflects that the identity of the former tombs was not respected by the communities in the later generations. Outer coffin tombs were consistently made to the end of the era of wooden chamber tombs covered by stone and earthen mound. Lastly, the area of burial ground of outer coffin tombs is limited by wooden chamber tombs covered by stone and wooden mounds. Otherwise, the location of the burial ground for the deceased is limited by the status of the deceased. The idea that wooden chamber tombs covered by stone and earthen mound are located on the above ground turns out to be incorrect. In Jjoksaem site, there is little difference between the height of the circular burial protection stone and the height of the digging lines of the other tombs. In the case of No.44 tumulus, the lowest step of the circular burial protection stones is lower than those of the other tombs and tumuli. Research of outer coffin tombs at Jjoksaem site will be to suggest important academic data about the changing period from Saroguk, as the head of chiefdom union, to Silla, as state.