• Title, Summary, Keyword: Maritime Sovereignty

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Strengthening Trend of Coast Guards in Northeast Asia (동북아 해양경찰 증강 동향)

  • Yoon, Sungsoon
    • Strategy21
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    • pp.175-199
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    • 2018
  • Recent marine territorial disputes in the East China Sea and the South China Sea have come to us as a great threat. China, which has recently established the China Coast Guard and has rapidly developed maritime security forces, is trying to overcome the various conflict countries with its power. Japan is also strengthening intensively its maritime security forces. Since Korea, China, and Japan are geographically neighboring and sharing maritime space in Northeast Asia, there is no conflict between maritime jurisdiction and territorial rights among the countries. The struggle for initiative in the ocean is fierce among the three coastal nations in Northeast Asia. therefore, Korea needs more thorough preparation and response to protect the marine sovereignty. As the superpowers of China and Japan are confronted and the United States is involved in the balance of power in strategic purposes, the East Asian sea area is a place where tension and conflict environment exist. China's illegal fishing boats are constantly invading our waters, and they even threaten the lives of our police officers. The issue of delimiting maritime boundaries between Korea and China has yet to be solved, and is underway in both countries, and there is a possibility that the exploration activities of the continental shelf resources may collide as the agreement on the continental shelf will expire between Korea and Japan. On the other hand, conflicts in the maritime jurisdictions of the three countries in Korea, China and Japan are leading to the enhancement of maritime security forces to secure deterrence rather than military confrontation. In the situation where the unresolved sovereignty and jurisdiction conflicts of Korea, China and Japan continue, and the competition for the strengthening of the maritime powers of China and Japan becomes fierce, there is a urgent need for stabilization and enhancement of the maritime forces in our country. It is necessary to establish a new long-term strategy for enhancing the maritime security force and to carry out it. It is expected that the Korean Coast Guard, which once said that it was a model for the establishment of China's Coast Guard as a powerful force for the enforcement of the maritime law, firmly establishes itself as a key force to protect our oceans with the Navy and keeps our maritime sovereignty firmly.

Empirical Analysis on Economic Factors of Infringement on Ocean Sovereignty from Chinese fishing boats (중국어선 해양주권 침해의 경제적 요인에 관한 실증적 연구)

  • Oh, Sang-Jin;Choi, Kyoung-Hoon;Park, Gyei-Kark
    • Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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    • v.33 no.3
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    • pp.69-90
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    • 2017
  • Areas of marine activity have expanded into exclusive economic zones and the continental shelf since the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea(UNCLOS) in 1994, The signatory countries have been enforcing their maritime rights and competition in the international community has become intensified. Marine-related issues, including maritime sovereignty, has become an increasingly important issue with many national security and related studies following this trend. However, while there are many policy-related studies there remain few empirical studies. This paper conducted a study of illegal cases of Chinese fishing boats which are quite frequently for an empirical study on maritime sovereignty. This study conducted empirical analysis regarding factors relating to ocean sovereignty infringement by using correlation and multiple regression analysis. The result of observed increases in illegal Chinese fishing boats decreased the production of aquatic products, whish resulted in economic fishery losses to Korea households and inflation in the Korean economy.

Increasing demand formaritime security measures to streamline the maritime security (해양경비수요 증대에 따른 해양경비 효율화 방안)

  • Seo, Jin-Seok
    • Convergence Security Journal
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    • v.14 no.3_2
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    • pp.13-21
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    • 2014
  • Three sides by the waters of the country in which the topography of the peninsula is a treasure trove of natural resources in the country to recognize the importance of the sea and maritime territorial and maritime policy for the protection of rights, such as to promote the country striving to strengthen haeyangryeok. However, marine activities is 200 sea miles exclusive economic zone of the stage (EEZ) and the continental shelf extends as the, EEZ waters of the overlapping jurisdiction, Books sovereignty, marine scientific research and development, including the continental shelf surrounding the deepening relationship between the neighboring countries and complex understanding including international cooperation and coexistence between countries to be competitive. This time the Coast Guard 's maritime sovereignty existing patron driven from the accident prevention safety management system, from our sea, has been kept firmly. However, due to the new issue of disaster lies in the fate of marine police became dismantled. This real time so that you can be reborn as a marine police force structure. Structure to change the way the rescue operation. Expenses, Shore, you will need to increase the professionalism of pollution.

Conflicts between the US and China over the South China Sea and Korea's Responses (남중국해를 둘러싼 미·중간의 갈등과 한국의 대응)

  • Kim, Kang-nyeong
    • Strategy21
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    • pp.154-195
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    • 2017
  • This paper is to analyse conflict between the US and China over the South China Sea and Korea's responses. To this end the paper is composed of 6 chapters titled instruction; the current status of South China Sea sovereignty disputes; changes in US and Chinese maritime security strategies and the strategic values of the South China Sea; key issues and future prospects for US-China conflicts in the South China Sea; South Korea's security and diplomatic responses; and conclusion. The recent East Asian maritime security issue has evolved into a global issue of supremacy between the US and China, beyond conflicts over territorial disputes and demarcation among the countries in the region. China is pursuing offensive ocean policy to expand economic growth. The core of the maritime order that the United States intends to pursue is the freedom of navigation in the oceans and the maintenance of maritime access. China is making artificial islands in the South China Sea, claiming the sovereignty of these islands, building strategic bases in East Asia, and securing routes. The United States has developed several "Freedom of Navigation Operations" to neutralize the declaration of the territorial sea surrounding Chinese artificial islands. We can not be free from marine conflicts in the South China Sea and the East China Sea. Regarding the South China Sea dispute, it is expected that the strategic competition and conflict between the two countries will intensify due to China's failure to make concessions of core interests and adherence to the US compliance with international norms. In the midst of conflict over the South China Sea, we need a harmonious balance between our alliance security and economic diplomacy. We must continue our efforts to strengthen the ROK-US alliance but not to make China an enemy. Considering the significant impacts of the oceans on the survival and prosperity of the nation, we must continue to develop our interest in the oceans, appropriate investments and tactical strategies.

A Study on the Legislation Directions of FRAMEWORK ACT ON KOREA COAST GUARD(tentative name) ((가칭) 해양경찰기본법 입법방향에 관한 연구)

  • Son, Yeongtae
    • Journal of the Society of Disaster Information
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    • v.10 no.3
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    • pp.396-407
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    • 2014
  • In 19th May 2014, the government announced that KCG(Korea Coast Guard) is dissolved regarding responsibility for recently accident which is Sewol ferry disaster. But KCG, a central administrative agency is responsible for protecting maritime sovereignty of South Korea; the most basic and indispensable organization. Furthermore, The purpose of KCG is to provide the safety of the public and keeping of public order by prescribing matters necessary for the securement of maritime security, maintenance of public order and protection of marine resources & facilities. Therefore, In this article, I would like to suggest tentatively named FRAMEWORK ACT ON KOREA COAST GUARD's management plan which could reflect the scope of functions. It means we examine the current state of KCG, and would like to signpost for the most ideal way of legal system in Korea Coast Guard. Finally, this treatise is expected that this research can be a guideline contribute to improving Korea Coast Guard relevant laws even a little.

Geopolitics in East Asia and United Nations Convention Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) (동북아시아에서의 지정학과 유엔해양법협약)

  • Shin, Chang-Hoon
    • Strategy21
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    • pp.33-58
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    • 2015
  • In 1996, China, Japan and the ROK all became the party to the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). Since then, the UNCLOS has been a fundamental basis for the resolution and management of maritime disputes amongst them. However, there still remain acrimonious disputes in the region. Resources nationalism and the revival of geopolitics aggravates the disputes particularly on sovereignty over disputed islands, maritime delimitation and the legal nature of military activities in other States' Exclusive Economic Zones. Under the circumstances, why have the demands for the conclusion of a regional agreement been raised in this region? A desirable regional agreement regarding ocean affairs should be compatible with the rights and obligations under the UNCLOS, a universal norm regarding ocean affairs. This paper will propose a desirable regional agreement by adopting an incremental approach.

A Study on the Influence of Naval Power upon the Resolution of Maritime Territorial Disputes (해군력이 해양 영토분쟁의 해결에 미치는 영향)

  • Han, Jong Hwan
    • Strategy21
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    • pp.103-141
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    • 2018
  • As the South China Sea maritime dispute illustrates, when considering the place where maritime claims occur, states do not have many choices to respond to maritime claims in which disputed areas are located far away from the land and are surrounded by the sea. As Mearsheimer (2014) points out, the sea stops power projection. Therefore, in order to adopt coercive as well as peaceful settlement policies to deal with maritime claims, states need to overcome obstacles (the sea) to project power. It means that if states want to conduct a specific foreign policy action, such as negotiating maritime borderlines or arguing sovereignty on islands, they need a tool (naval power) to coerce or to persuade the opponent. However, there are lack of research that studies maritime claims from the perspective of naval power. This research project fills this gap based on naval power. How do relative levels of naval power and (dis) parities of naval power influence the occurrence of MIDs over maritime claims? Naval power is a constitutive element during maritime claims. If disputants over maritime claims have required naval power to project their capability, it means that they have the capability to apply various ways, such as aggressive options including MIDs, to accomplish their goals. So, I argue that when two claimants have enough naval power to project their capabilities, the likelihood of MIDs over maritime claims increases. Given that one or both states have a certain level of naval power, how does relative naval power between two claimants influence the management of maritime claims? Based on the power transition theory, I argue that when the disparities of relative naval power between claimants becomes distinctive, militarized conflicts surrounding maritime territory are less probable. Based on the ICOW project which codes maritime claims from 1900 to 2001, the empirical results of the Poisson models show if both claimants have projectable naval power, the occurrence of MIDs over maritime claims increases. In addition, the result shows that when disputants maintain similar relative naval powers, they are more likely to initiate MIDs over maritime claims. To put it differently, if naval capabilities' gap between two claimants becomes larger, the probability of the occurrence of MIDs decreases.

China's recent establishment of its ADIZ and its implications for regional security (중국의 방공식별구역(ADIZ) 선포와 역내 안보적 함의)

  • SHIN, Chang-Hoon
    • Strategy21
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    • pp.148-177
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    • 2014
  • The regional security and stability in Northeast Asia has become more complicated because of a sudden establishment of China's Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) on 23 November 2013. One dimensional conflicts on the territorial sovereignty over the islands between the regional States has developed into the two dimensional conflicts like maritime delimitations among the States concerned since they have all ratified the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea which adopts the 200 nautical mile Exclusive Economic Zone regime. Moreover, due to the notion of the outer limit of the continental shelf, the conflicts have developed into three dimensional ones in order to acquire more natural resources even in the seabed. To make matters worse, such three dimensional conflicts have expanded to the airspace as well. The paper will analyze what implications the sudden declaration of China's ADIZ have for the regional security in Northeast Asia from the perspectives of public international law. To this end, the paper 1) starts with the debates on the legal nature of the ADIZ, 2) identifies the Chinese government's political motives for the establishment of the ADIZ over the East China Sea, 3) assesses the responses of the regional States and the USA to the China's establishment of the ADIZ, and then 4) discuss what implications the overlapped ADIZ of the three key States in the region have for the regional security and stability.

International Law Perspectives of Deploying ROK Naval Power On Dokdo - Focus On Effective Control of Dokdo - (독도의 해군력 배치에 관한 국제법적 검토 및 발전방향 - 실효적 지배 개념을 중심으로-)

  • Kim, Nam-Gu
    • Strategy21
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    • pp.97-122
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    • 2013
  • The basic stance of the Republic of Korea Ministry of Foreign Affairs was 'quiet diplomacy'. However, there had been demands for specific plans for practical protection of Dokdo. In 2011, Prime Minister Kim Hwang Sik mentioned that they are reviewing measures of stationing marines on Dokdo, while on August 10th, 2012, former president Lee Myung Bak visited Dokdo. The visit itself was meaningful as he was the first supreme commander to visit Dokdo. This paper studies on the necessity of naval power on Dokdo to maintain its effective control. The effective control must be done by a national organization in a peaceful and unimpaired method. If so, can stationing naval power, whether directly or indirectly, on Dokdo be considered a violation of 'peaceful' method? A 'peaceful' effective of control meas the right of sovereignty over a territory without other country's protest. In such terms, protecting a territory falls under practicing the right of sovereignty, and therefore does not violate 'peaceful'. In addition, looking at international cases such as Ligitan/Sipadan Case and Pedra Blanca Case, evidences such as 'navy activity', 'flyng ensign', and 'military communication facility installation' was used. In ter case of Yemen-Eritrea dispute over Hanish, methods on effective control over island and sea was also ruled by the installation of military posts and military surveillance activities. Thus, stationing naval power on Dokdo can be a way of maintaining effective control per international law. To station naval poer on Dokdo, Presidential Instruction 24 integrated Defense Guideline Enforcement Ordinance, which is domestic law, must be revised. Reason being, the Enforcement Ordinance states that the navy area of responsibility excluded Ullundo, where Dokdo is under jurisdiction of Ullungdim thus excluding navy control. In addition, considering the diplomatic situation, it is more fut to install navy radar site on Dokdo rather than 'stationing marines'. In other words, enforcing surveillance in the vicinity of Dokdo and installing radar site instead of stationing direct combatants is one way of practicing effective control without stimulating diplomatic disputes.

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