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A Case of Neonatal Onset Propionic Acidemia with Mild Clinical Presentations (경한 임상 경과를 보인 신생아 시기의 프로피온산혈증 1례)

  • Kim, Kyung-Ran;Kim, Jinsup;Huh, Rim;Park, Hyung-Doo;Cho, Sung Yoon;Jin, Dong-Kyu
    • Journal of The Korean Society of Inherited Metabolic disease
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    • v.16 no.1
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    • pp.47-51
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    • 2016
  • Propionic acidemia (PA) is an autosomal recessively inherited disorder of the organic acid metabolism. It is caused by a deficiency of propionyl-CoA carboxylase (PCC). PCC is a heteropolymeric enzyme composed of ${\alpha}$- and ${\beta}$-subunits. The clinical symptoms of PA are heterogeneous and present vomiting, dehydration, hypotonia, and lethargy, and it can result in death. The typical presentations of neonatal onset PA are life-threatening metabolic acidosis and hyperammonemia. Here, we described a case of neonatal onset PA with mild clinical presentations. She was born to a healthy mother without complications. No significant illness was observed until nine days after birth. She started exhibiting poor oral feeding, vomiting, lethargy, and hypotonia at ten days old. Her laboratory results showed mild hyperammonemia and acidosis. The initial diagnosis was neonatal sepsis and she was treated with antibiotics. However, her clinical symptoms didn't improve. So we considered a metabolic disease. She was given nothing by mouth and intravenous hydration and nutrition support was performed. Propionylglycine and 3-hydroxypropionic acid were showed high concentrations in urine by gas chromatograph mass spectrometry (GC-MS). C3 level of acylcarnitine analysis elevated 10.4 uM/L (range, 0.200-5.00) in plasma. We took gene analysis for PA to be based on the symptoms and laboratory results. We detected PCCB gene mutation and diagnosed PA. She survived without severe neurologic defects and complications and was hospitalized only three times with upper respiratory tract infections for 7 years. We report a case of a ten days old neonate with PA presenting without severe metabolic acidosis and hyperammonemia who was effectively treated with early aggressive care and conventional methods.

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The Cultural Landscapes of Wuyi-Gugok of China as seen from the 「Landscape of the Jiuqu River in the Wuyi Mountain」 in British Library (대영도서관 소장 「무이산구곡계전도(武夷山九曲溪全圖)」로 본 중국 무이구곡의 문화경관상)

  • Cheng, Zhao-Xia;Rho, Jae-Hyun;Jiang, Cheng
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.37 no.4
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    • pp.11-31
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    • 2019
  • Taking the painting, 「Landscape of the Jiuqu River in the Wuyi Mountain」 as the study object, which was produced in the middle of Qing Dinasty and collected by the British Library, this paper analyzes the scenery names recorded in the painting, and describes the landscape of the mountain, port and ships, architectural elements, civil elements, character, stone inscription and other scenery in the painting. The investigation results of the cultural landscape properties of each Gok are as follows: According to statistics, there are 28 architectural elements in the painting, including 7 pavilions (25%), 4 temples (14.3%), 3 Colleges and Taoist temple (10.7%), 2 Dowon(道院) and villages (7.1%); 29 civil elements, including 9 holes (31%), 6 Historical Sites (20.7%), 3 Stations(臺) (10.3%), 2 Ferries, 2 Bridges, and 2 Ponds (6.9%), 1 Garden, 1 Gate, 1 Mine(坑), 1 Well and 1 Remains(3.4%). These physical factors and civil factors are the important relics reflected the cultural landscape attributes of Wuyi-Gugok in the middle of the 18th century. Among the shape element in each Gok, the 1st Gok have 12 shape elements(21.1%), the 5th Gok 11(19.3%), the 4th Gok 9(15.8%), the 9th Gok 8(14%), the 3rd Gok 7(12.3%), the 6th Gok 4(7%), the 2nd Gok 3(5.3%), the 7th Gok 2(3.5%), and the 8th Gok 1(2%). Through collation, it is found that the 1st Gok, 5th Gok and 4th Gok have more prominent cultural landscape characteristics. In addition, according to the description of scenic spot types in 『Muisanji(武夷山志)』, there are 38 types of scenery description in the painting, of which, the three scenery of big rock, peak, small rock occupy the vast majority. This reflects the Danxia(丹霞) landform characteristics of Wuyi-Gugok. The cultural connotation of Wuyi Mountain expressed and contained in the painting is analyzed and interpreted, and it is found that the Jiuqu(九曲) River in the Wuyi Mountain has Neo-confucianism culture, Taoism culture, Buddhism culture, Tea culture and so on. In addition, among the 171 scenery names shown in the painting, there are altogether 7 stone inscriptions that are consistent with or have the same meaning as the rock inscriptions site, including 3 for inscriptions praising the landscape, 3 for philosophical inscription and 1 for auspicious language inscription, which is considered as the important basis for the mutual textuality between the pictures and the stone inscriptions.

A study on Mohun(慕軒) Gang, pil-shin(姜必愼)'s life and Literature (모헌(慕軒) 강필신(姜必愼)의 생애와 문학연구)

  • Maeng, young-ill
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.69
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    • pp.205-232
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    • 2017
  • In the former half of the 18th century, For this period the literary people who led the literature of Nam'in were Sadaebu named the so-called Munoepa. There were Gang Pak(姜樸), Lee In-bok(李仁復), Lee Jung-hwan, Oh Gwang-un(吳光運), and Gang Pil-shin(姜必愼) in Munoepa(門外派). All these people as Sadaebu of Nam'in kept company with families of each other, had close relations from early childhood, and shared with same opinions in various ways like politics, culture, etc. They had intimate relationships not only in politics but also in literature, and primarily acted their part regarding the development of literary circles in the first half of the 18th century. Many individual poets who achieved the outstanding literary accomplishment appeared in the late period of Joseon Dynasty, especially in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. They actively made progress in their literary works with Sisa. The poets in similar positions had the Sisa to show their literary ability and check on their view about the literature. They briskly tried to express their own literary intention in activities of Sisa. Gang Pil-shin is a literary representative of the late period of Joseon Dynasty Nam'in. Through the exchange relationship of Gang Pil-shin, we can confirm certain aspects of his literary world. People who have tied up with Gang Pil-shin are largely divided into three. First, it is a literary person in Geungi Nam'in literati, typified by Backryeonsidan, Jinju Gang family, Gyeongsang Provinces area that was a place of residence. The exchanges of Gang Pil-shin were done via a poetry club. a poetry club was basically conducted mainly on relatives such as Gang Pak. However, the members of a poetry club changed according to the area where you live. Gang Pil-shin made a poetry club while coming back and forth between Seoul and Gyeongsang Provinces. This means that Gang Pil-shin also had special attention as Geungi Nam'in (近畿 南人), but also had a positive nature as Yeongnam south person. A closer look at what linguistics of Gang Pil-shin Geungi Nam'in and Yeongnam Nam'in had special characteristics late period of Joseon Dynasty It is possible to confirm the special characteristics of Seoul and the local literary exchange. For this reason, it seems that more detailed examination of the literature of Gang Pil-shin is necessary.

『Chūn-qiū』Wáng-lì(『春秋』王曆)① - A Study on the Discussion of 'the Changes in the Names of Months and a Season(改月改時)' in the calendar of 『Chūn-qiū(春秋)』 since Song(宋) Dynasty (『춘추(春秋)』왕력(王曆)① - 송대(宋代) 이후 춘추력수(春秋曆數)의 개월(改月)·개시(改時) 논의에 대한 소고(小考))

  • Seo, Jeong-Hwa
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.67
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    • pp.345-378
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    • 2017
  • In the scriptures of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the expression method of '$Ch{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng-zh{\bar{e}}ng-yu{\grave{e}}$(春王正月 : It's spring. It's the first month regulated by the king.)' was used as Jì-yuè-fǎ(紀月法 : the rules to determine the first month(正月)), the month of winter solstice was regarded as the first month of a year, and three years since then were named as $Ch{\bar{u}}n$(春 : spring). With regard to this "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"Wáng-lì("春秋"王曆 : the calendar regulated by the king of $Zh{\bar{o}}u$(周) dynasty in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"), depending on whether Confucius(孔子) changed and recorded the names of the months and the season or not, there were three different arguments; the theory that 'Confucius changed the names of both the months and the season'(孔子改月 改時說), the view that 'Confucius changed the name of the season, not the names of the months'(孔子不改月 改時說), and then the theory that 'Confucius changed neither the names of the months nor the name of the season'(孔子不改月 不改時) since Song(宋) dynasty. The first view was taken by $Hh{\acute{u}}-{\bar{a}}n-gu{\acute{o}}$(胡安國) and $C{\grave{a}}i-ch{\acute{e}}n$(蔡沈), and the second theory was mentioned by Chéng-yí(程?) and Zhū-zǐ(朱子). The advocates of the third view had become remarkable since Ming(明) dynasty, and one of representatives was Wàng-yáng-míng(王陽明). All of them based their arguments on ancient scriptures and Confucian legal books, and there were cases of taking the same records as the support for different opinions. Confucius' so-called 'Chūn-qiū-bǐ-fǎ(春秋筆法 : the method to describe historical facts by making clear discrimination between right and wrong)' and '$Sh{\grave{u}}-{\acute{e}}r-b{\grave{u}}-zu{\grave{o}}$(述而不作 : the attitude to succeed virtuous men's achievements and only explain and describe them not creating and adding new contents)' could come from thoughts of $Z{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng$(尊王 : to respect the king with the virtues of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, wisdom and sincerity). Therefore, even though Confucius is assumed to have been the writer of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", whether he actually changed and recorded the names of the months and the season in the calendar used in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" is doubtful. These theories on Confucius's intervention in the calendar of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" hadn't been discussed as conflicting in reality until Tang(唐) dynasty.

The Change of Yield, Quality and Growth Properties in Barley by High Temperature During the Winter Period and Spring Sowing (월동기 고온 및 춘파에 따른 보리의 수량, 품질 및 생육 특성 변화)

  • Lee, Hyeon-Seok;Hwang, Woon-Ha;Jeong, Jae-Hyeok;Ahn, Seung-Hyeon;Baek, Jeong-seon;Jeong, Han-Yong;Kim, Dae-Wook;Yun, Jong-Tak;Lee, Geon-Hwi;Choi, Kyung-Jin
    • The Journal of the Korean Society of International Agriculture
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    • v.29 no.3
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    • pp.262-270
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    • 2017
  • This study was conducted to clarify the effect of high temperature during winter period(autumn sowing) and spring sowing on yield, quality and growth and development in barley. The varieties used for the experiments were heenchalssalbori and keunalbori 1 having a strong spring habit characteristics. In spring sowing treatment, spikelet differentiation was proceeded rapidly and tillering was proceeded slowly compared to the development stage, because the barley sowed at spring is cultivated in high temperature and long day conditions from sowing to spikelet differentiation stage compared with autumn sowing(control). And in high temperature treatment during winter period, like spring sowing, tillering was inhibited compared to the development stage. The number of grain per panicle and the period required to heading stage from spikelet differentiation were reduced largely at spring sowing, because spring sowing treatment was conducted in high temperature and long day condition compared with autumn sowing and high temperature treatment during the period from spikelet differentiation to heading stage. Meanwhile in spring sowing treatment, average temperature during ripening stage was higher than the autumn sowing and high temperature during winter, because heading stage was so late. After all, starch, amylose content and grain weight were reduced while protein content was relatively increased in spring sowing treatment due to difference of average temperature of ripening stage. These changes affected the decrease of viscosity of peak, trough, breakdown and the increase of setback viscosity.

Development of Late Bolting and New Deep Red Leaf with Wrinkled Lettuce 'Chunpungjeokchukmyeon' (추대가 늦고 색깔이 진한 새로운 잎상추 '춘풍적축면' 육성)

  • Jang, Suk-Woo;Hur, Youn-Young;Choi, Mi-Ja;Kwon, Young-Seok;Kim, Jeom-Sun;Lee, Jong-Nam;Lee, Eung-Ho;Seo, Myeong-Hun;Park, Jae-Ho;Jang, Ik;Jang, Mi-Hyang;Hwang, Hae-June;Ko, Sun-Bo
    • Korean Journal of Breeding Science
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    • v.42 no.6
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    • pp.627-631
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    • 2010
  • A new cultivar of lettuce (Lactuca sativa L.) with wrinkled traverse elliptic and deep red leaf, 'Chunpungjeokchukmyeon' which has late bolting and deep red expression leaf color was developed from a cross between 'Pojabijeokchukmyeon' (red leaf color and late bolting) and 'Meokchima' (Deep red and low yield). The cross and selection for advanced lines had been done by the pedigree method during 2000-2007. The advanced lines were evaluated for yield and adaptability at several locations in Korea (Gangwon-do, Gyeonggi-do, Chungcheongbuk-do, Jeollabuk-do, Gyeongnam-do, and Jeju-do) from 2008 to 2009. The 'Chunpungjeokchukmyeon' has gray seed color and traverse elliptic leaves. The type of matured stage is medium shape between 'chukmyeon' and 'chima' leaf lettuce. Compared to 'Dukseomjeokchukmyeon', marketable yield of 'Chunpungjeokchukmyeon' was higher by 6% (at 372 g per plant) and 'Chunpungjeokchukmyeon' has particularly improved expression of deep red leaf color in high temperature cultivation in the field. The shelf-life of 'Chunpungjeokchukmyeon' was three weeks longer than 'Dukseomjeokchukmyeon' at 4$^{\circ}C$. The anthocyanin content of 'Chunpungjeokchukmyeon' was higher than that of 'Dukseomjeokchukmyeon' with 17.5 mg/100g. The BSL (latucin+8-deoxylactucin+lactucopicrin) content of 'Chunpungjeokchukmyeon' is lower than that of 'Dukseomjeokchukmyeon'. Furthermore, its taste is better, more crispy, and sweeter than those of 'Dukseomjeokchukmyeon'. So we recommend that new cultivar 'Chunpungjeokchukmyeon' can be suitable for cultivation in spring season than summer season.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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An Empirical Study in Relationship between Franchisor's Leadership Behavior Style and Commitment by Focusing Moderating Effect of Franchisee's Self-efficacy (가맹본부의 리더십 행동유형과 가맹사업자의 관계결속에 관한 실증적 연구 - 가맹사업자의 자기효능감의 조절효과를 중심으로 -)

  • Yang, Hoe-Chang;Lee, Young-Chul
    • Journal of Distribution Research
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    • v.15 no.1
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    • pp.49-71
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    • 2010
  • Franchise businesses in South Korea have contributed to economic growth and job creation, and its growth potential remains very high. However, despite such virtues, domestic franchise businesses face many problems such as the instability of franchisor's business structure and weak financial conditions. To solve these problems, the government enacted legislation and strengthened franchise related laws. However, the strengthening of laws regulating franchisors had many side effects that interrupted the development of the franchise business. For example, legal regulations regarding franchisors have had the effect of suppressing the franchisor's leadership activities (e.g. activities such as the ability to advocate the franchisor's policies and strategies to the franchisees, in order to facilitate change and innovation). One of the main goals of the franchise business is to build cooperation between the franchisor and the franchisee for their combined success. However, franchisees can refuse to follow the franchisor's strategies because of the current state of franchise-related law and government policy. The purpose of this study to explore the effects of franchisor's leadership style on franchisee's commitment in a franchise system. We classified leadership styles according to the path-goal theory (House & Mitchell, 1974), and it was hypothesized and tested that the four leadership styles proposed by the path-goal theory (i.e. directive, supportive, participative and achievement-oriented leadership) have different effects on franchisee's commitment. Another purpose of this study to explore the how the level of franchisee's self-efficacy influences both the franchisor's leadership style and franchisee's commitment in a franchise system. Results of the present study are expected to provide important theoretical and practical implications as to the role of franchisor's leadership style, as restricted by government regulations and the franchisee's self-efficacy, which could be needed to improve the quality of the long-term relationship between the franchisor and franchisee. Quoted by Northouse(2007), one problem regarding the investigation of leadership is that there are almost as many different definitions of leadership as there are people who have tried to define it. But despite the multitude of ways in which leadership has been conceptualized, the following components can be identified as central to the phenomenon: (a) leadership is a process, (b) leadership involves influence, (c) leadership occurs in a group context, and (d) leadership involves goal attainment. Based on these components, in this study leadership is defined as a process whereby franchisor's influences a group of franchisee' to achieve a common goal. Focusing on this definition, the path-goal theory is about how leaders motivate subordinates to accomplish designated goals. Drawing heavily from research on what motivates employees, path-goal theory first appeared in the leadership literature in the early 1970s in the works of Evans (1970), House (1971), House and Dessler (1974), and House and Mitchell (1974). The stated goal of this leadership theory is to enhance employee performance and employee satisfaction by focusing on employee motivation. In brief, path-goal theory is designed to explain how leaders can help subordinates along the path to their goals by selecting specific behaviors that are best suited to subordinates' needs and to the situation in which subordinates are working (Northouse, 2007). House & Mitchell(1974) predicted that although many different leadership behaviors could have been selected to be a part of path-goal theory, this approach has so far examined directive, supportive, participative, and achievement-oriented leadership behaviors. And they suggested that leaders may exhibit any or all of these four styles with various subordinates and in different situations. However, due to restrictive government regulations, franchisors are not in a position to change their leadership style to suit their circumstances. In addition, quoted by Northouse(2007), ssubordinate characteristics determine how a leader's behavior is interpreted by subordinates in a given work context. Many researchers have focused on subordinates' needs for affiliation, preferences for structure, desires for control, and self-perceived level of task ability. In this study, we have focused on the self-perceived level of task ability, namely, the franchisee's self-efficacy. According to Bandura (1977), self-efficacy is chiefly defined as the personal attitude of one's ability to accomplish concrete tasks. Therefore, it is not an indicator of one's actual abilities, but an opinion of the extent of how one can use that ability. Thus, the judgment of maintain franchisee's commitment depends on the situation (e.g., government regulation and policy and leadership style of franchisor) and how it affects one's ability to mobilize resources to deal with the task, so even if people possess the same ability, there may be differences in self-efficacy. Figure 1 illustrates the model investigated in this study. In this model, it was hypothesized that leadership styles would affect the franchisee's commitment, and self-efficacy would moderate the relationship between leadership style and franchisee's commitment. Theoretically, quoted by Northouse(2007), the path-goal approach suggests that leaders need to choose a leadership style that best fits the needs of subordinates and the work they are doing. According to House & Mitchell (1974), the theory predicts that a directive style of leadership is best in situations in which subordinates are dogmatic and authoritarian, the task demands are ambiguous, and the organizational rule and procedures are unclear. In these situations, franchisor's directive leadership complements the work by providing guidance and psychological structure for franchisees. For work that is structured, unsatisfying, or frustrating, path-goal theory suggests that leaders should use a supportive style. Franchisor's Supportive leadership offers a sense of human touch for franchisees engaged in mundane, mechanized activity. Franchisor's participative leadership is considered best when a task is ambiguous because participation gives greater clarity to how certain paths lead to certain goals; it helps subordinates learn what actions leads to what outcome. Furthermore, House & Mitchell(1974) predicts that achievement-oriented leadership is most effective in settings in which subordinates are required to perform ambiguous tasks. Marsh and O'Neill (1984) tested the idea that organizational members' anger and decline in performance is caused by deficiencies in their level of effort and found that self-efficacy promotes accomplishment, decreases stress and negative consequences like depression and emotional instability. Based on the extant empirical findings and theoretical reasoning, we posit positive and strong relationships between the franchisor's leadership styles and the franchisee's commitment. Furthermore, the level of franchisee's self-efficacy was thought to maintain their commitment. The questionnaires sent to participants consisted of the following measures; leadership style was assessed using a 20 item 7-point likert scale developed by Indvik (1985), self-efficacy was assessed using a 24 item 6-point likert scale developed by Bandura (1977), and commitment was assessed using a 6 item 5-point likert scale developed by Morgan & Hunt (1994). Questionnaires were distributed to Korean optical franchisees in Seoul. It took about 20 days to complete the data collection. A total number of 140 questionnaires were returned and complete data were available from 137 respondents. Results of multiple regression analyses testing the relationships between the each of the four styles of leadership shown by the franchisor as independent variables and franchisee's commitment as the dependent variable showed that the relationship between supportive leadership style and commitment ($\beta$=.13, p<.001),and the relationship between participative leadership style and commitment ($\beta$=.07, p<.001)were significant. However, when participants divided into high and low self-efficacy groups, results of multiple regression analyses showed that only the relationship between achievement-oriented leadership style and commitment ($\beta$=.14, p<.001) was significant in the high self-efficacy group. In the low self-efficacy group, the relationship between supportive leadership style and commitment ($\beta$=.17, p<.001),and the relationship between participative leadership style and commitment ($\beta$=.10, p<.001) were significant. The study focused on the franchisee's self-efficacy in order to explore the possibility that regulation, originally intended to protect the franchisee, may not be the most effective method to maintain the relationships in a franchise business. The key results of the data analysis regarding the moderating role of self-efficacy between leadership behavior style as proposed by path-goal and commitment theory were as follows. First, this study proposed that franchisor should apply the appropriate type of leadership behavior to strengthen the franchisees commitment because the results demonstrated that supportive and participative leadership styles by the franchisors have a positive influence on the franchisee's level of commitment. Second, it is desirable for franchisor to validate the franchisee's efforts, since the franchisee's characteristics such as self-efficacy had a substantial, positive effect on the franchisee's commitment as well as being a meaningful moderator between leadership and commitment. Third, the results as a whole imply that the government should provide institutional support, namely to put the franchisor in a position to clearly identify the characteristics of their franchisees and provide reasonable means to administer the franchisees to achieve the company's goal.

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Study on the Controlling Mechaniques of the Environmental Factors in the Mushroom Growing House in Chonnam Province (전남 지방에 있어서의 양송이 재배에 최적한 환경조건 조절법 분석에 관한 연구)

  • Chung, Byung-Jae;Lee, Eun-Chol
    • Journal of the Korean Wood Science and Technology
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    • v.2 no.2
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    • pp.32-34
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    • 1974
  • The important results which have been obtained in the investigation can be recapitulated as follows. 1. As demonstrated by the experimental results and analyses concerning their effects in the on-ground type mushroom house, the constructions in relation to the side wall and ceiling of the experimental house showed a sufficient heat insulation on effect to protect insides of the house from outside climatic conditions. 2. As the effect on the solar type experimental mushroom house which was constructed in a half basement has been shown by the experimental results and analyses, it has been proved to be effective for making use of solar heat. However there were found two problems to be improved for putting solar house to practical use in the farm mushroom growing: (1) the construction of the roof and ceiling should be the same as for the on ground type house, and (2) the solar heat generating system should be reconstructed properly. 3. Among several ventilation systems which have been studied in the experiments, the underground earthen pipe and ceiling ventilation, and vertical side wall and ceiling ventilation systems have been proved to be most effective for natural ventilation. 4. The experimental results have shown that ventilation systems such as the vertical side wall and underground ventilation systems are suitable to put to practical use as natural ventilation systems for farm mushroom house. These ventilation systems can remarkably improve the temperature of fresh air which is introduced into the house by heat transfers within the ventilation passages, so as to approach to the desired temperature of the house without any cooling or heating operation. For example, if it is assuming that X is the outside temperature and Y is the amount of temperature adjustment made by the influence of the ventilation system, the relationships that exist between X and Y can be expressed by the following regression lines. Underground iron pipe ventilation system. Y=0.9X-12.8 Underground earthen pipe ventilation system. Y=0.96X-15.11 Vertical side wall ventilation system. Y=0.94X-17.57 5. The experimental results have 8hown that the relationships existing between the admitted and expelled air and the $CO_2$ concentration can be described with experimental regression lines or an exponent equation as follows: 5.1 If it is assumed that X is an air speed cm/sec. and Y is an expelled air speed in cm/sec. in a natural ventilation system, since the Y is a function of the X, the relationships that exist between X and Y can be expressed by the regression lines shown below: 5.2 If it IS assumed that X is an admitted volume of air in $m^3$/hr. and Y is an expelled volume of air in $m^3$/hr. in a natural ventilation system, since the Y is a function of the X, the relationships that exist between X and Y can be expressed by the regression lines shown below. 5.3 If it is assumed that expelled air speed in emisec. and replacement air speed in cm/sec. at the bed surface in a natural ventilation system are shown as X and Y. respectively, since the Y is a function of the X. the relationships that exist between X and Y can be expressed by the following regression line: GE(100%)-CV (50%) ventilation system. Y=-0.54X+0.84 5.4 If it is assumed that the replacement air speed in cm/sec. at the bed surface is shown as X, and $CO_2$ concentration which is expressed by multiplying 1000 times the actual value of $CO_2$ % is shown as Y, in a natural ventilation system, since the Y is a function of the X, the relationships that exist between X and Y can be expressed by the following regression line: GE(100%)-CV(50%) ventilation system. Y=114.53-6.42X 5.5 If it is assumed that the expelled volume of air is shown as X and the $CO_2$ concencration which is expressed by multiplying 1000 times the actual of $CO_2$% is shown as Y in a natural ventilation system, since the Y is a function of the X, the relationships that exist between X and Y can be expressed by the following exponent equation: GE(100%)-CV(50%) ventilation system. Y=$127.18{\times}1.0093^{-x}$ 5.6 The experimental results have shown that the ratios of the cross sectional area of the GE and CV vent to the total cubic capacity of the house, required for providing an adequate amount of air in a natural ventilation system, can be estimated as follows: GE(admitting vent of the underground ventilation) 0.3-0.5% (controllable) CV(expelling vent of the ceiling ventilation) 0.8-1.0% (controllable) 6. Among several heating devices which were studied in the experiments, the hot-water boilor which wasmodified to be fitted both as hot-water boiler and as a pressureless steam-water was found most suitable for farm mushroom growing.

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Studies on Increasing the Efficiency of Nitrogen Nutrition (질소영양(窒素營養)의 효율증진(效率增進)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Kwack, Pan-Ju
    • Applied Biological Chemistry
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    • v.11
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    • pp.151-166
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    • 1969
  • I. Fffects of nitrogen supplying level and culture condition on the top growth aod tubers formation of Ipomoea Batatas. 1) The low level nitrogen (A plot) 3 Milliequivalent per liter of nutrient solution stimulated tuber formation while the high level nitrogen ($B_1\;and\;B_2$ plot) of 10 milliequivalent per liter failed to form tuber though fibrous roots were seen much activated. The suppressive effect of nitrogen on tuber formation in presumed to result from the direct suppressive effect of nitrogen or a certain biocatalystic effect rather than from any indirect effect through the stimulation to growth of tops or the competition with carbohydrates. 2) The addition of milligram urea to nutrient solution stimulated the growth and increased fresh weight and dry weight of the aerial part while suppressed, a little, plant length. 3) The water culture method, which this experiment newly adopted, stimulated plant growth more than the gravel Culture method. And the treatment of low level nitrogen (A plot) in this water culture also saw a considerable degree of tuber formation, as in the case of gravel culture. 4) The foliar application of growth retardant B-nine suppressed the plant length only, with no other recognizable effect. II. Fffects of urea supplying level on the growth of IPOMOEA BATATAS. 1) The higher level of urea which was absorbed tby roots through nutrient solution suppressed top growth, such as plant length, number of leaves and fresh weight. And this can be attributed to the direct absorption of urea which was not ammonificated. 2) Although the higher level of nitrate nitrogen (B plot) made no tuber formation in previous experiment (Report-1), the higher level of urea nitrogen (A plot) made tuber formation possible in this experiment. The ratio of tuber to top was, however, less in higher level of urea than in lower level of urea, and the suppressing effect was larger on tuber than on top. 3) The foliar application of urea stimulated top growth while the higher level of urea absorbed by roots suppressed it, though the amounts of urea supplied in two experiments were same. Ratio of top to roots was larger in foliar application of urea (C plot) and less in root absorption of urea both of higher (B plot) and lower urea levels (A plot). III. Fffects of growth retardant etc. on the growth of IPOMOEA BATATAS in relation to urea application. 1) B-nine (N-dimethyl amino-succinamic acid) is recognized as a growth retardant, suppressed the plant length irrespective of urea levels. The treatment of gibberellin stimulated distinctly plant length, and the combined treatment of gibberellin and B-nine recovered completely the plant length which had been suppressed by B-nine. 2) B-nine increased fresh weight, especially, fresh weight of top both in lower and higher level of The degree of fresh weight increase varied according to concentrations of B-nine, of which the 0.15% of B-nine ($B_1$ plot) was the effective in higher level of urea. The effect of B-nine for increasing fresh weight was the largest in top next in tuber, and the least in fibrous roots. The ratio of fibrous roots to top was always decreased by B-nine application, which the ratio of tuber to top was contrary increased by B-nine in higher level of urea though decreased in lower level of urea. 3) Gibberellin treatment also increased fresh weight but the combined treatment ($B_3$+GA plot) of gibberellin and B-nine was even more effective than any of single treatments. Gibberellin and B-nine proved to be synergistic with fresh weight while reverse with plant length. 4) Considerable influences were abserved mainly in the length of plants and their fresh weight after B-nine treatment. So that B-nine may be reguraded as a metabolic controller rather than as an antimetabolite. 5) The surpressed growth of plants cause by higher level of urea was normalized by B-nine treatment. This fact suggested a further study on the applicability for practical use.

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