• Title, Summary, Keyword: e-diplomacy

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Digital Diplomacy via Social Networks: A Cross-National Analysis of Governmental Usage of Facebook and Twitter for Digital Engagement

  • Ittefaq, Muhammad
    • Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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    • v.18 no.1
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    • pp.49-69
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    • 2019
  • Over the last couple of years, digital diplomacy has become a fascinating area of research among Mass Communication, Peace and Conflict Studies, and International Affairs scholars. Social media and new technology open up new avenues for governments, individuals, and organizations to engage with foreign audiences. However, developing countries' governments are still lacking in the realization of the potential of social media. This study aims to analyze the usage of social media (Facebook & Twitter) by the two biggest countries in South Asia (Pakistan and India). I selected 10 government officials' social media accounts including prime ministers', national press offices', military public relations offices', public diplomacy divisions', and ministries of foreign offices' profiles. The study relies on quantitative content analysis and a comparative research approach. The total number of analyzed Twitter tweets (n=1,015) and Facebook posts (n=1,005) include 10 accounts, five from each country. In light of Kent and Taylor's (1998) dialogic communication framework, the results indicate that no digital engagement and dialogue occurs between government departments and the public through social networking sites. Government departments do not engage with local or foreign audiences through digital media. When comparing both countries, results reveal that India has more institutionalized and organized digital diplomacy. In terms of departmental use of social media, the digital diplomacy division and foreign office of India is more active than other government departments in that nation. Meanwhile, Pakistan's military public relations office and press office is more active than its other government departments. In conclusion, both countries realize the potential of social media in digital diplomacy, but still lack engagement with foreign audiences.

Public Diplomacy, Soft Power and Language: The Case of the Korean Language in Mexico City

  • Hernandez, Eduardo Luciano Tadeo
    • Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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    • v.17 no.1
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    • pp.27-49
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    • 2018
  • Public Diplomacy (PD) is the third pillar of South Korean foreign policy. According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, PD aims to attract foreign audiences by means of art, knowledge transmission, media, language and foreign aid. When it comes to the Korean language, its global profile has seen an especially marked increase in recent years (Kim, 2009). Thus, this paper's objective is to explain the relevance of the Korean language in the generation of South Korea's soft power. I draw from $C{\acute{e}}sar$ Villanueva's reflections in order to problematize how language promotion can be translated into soft power at five different levels: the empathetic, the sympathetic, the geopolitical, the diplomatic and the utilitarian. I observe that in the case of the Korean language in Mexico City, soft power has the potential to be generated on three levels: it helps to increase knowledge of Korean culture (empathetic); it exercises symbolic persuasion (geopolitical), since the products of cultural industries are mostly in Korean; and it is used as a tool for economic transactions in Mexico City (utilitarian).

The World as Seen from Venice (1205-1533) as a Case Study of Scalable Web-Based Automatic Narratives for Interactive Global Histories

  • NANETTI, Andrea;CHEONG, Siew Ann
    • Asian review of World Histories
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    • v.4 no.1
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    • pp.3-34
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    • 2016
  • This introduction is both a statement of a research problem and an account of the first research results for its solution. As more historical databases come online and overlap in coverage, we need to discuss the two main issues that prevent 'big' results from emerging so far. Firstly, historical data are seen by computer science people as unstructured, that is, historical records cannot be easily decomposed into unambiguous fields, like in population (birth and death records) and taxation data. Secondly, machine-learning tools developed for structured data cannot be applied as they are for historical research. We propose a complex network, narrative-driven approach to mining historical databases. In such a time-integrated network obtained by overlaying records from historical databases, the nodes are actors, while thelinks are actions. In the case study that we present (the world as seen from Venice, 1205-1533), the actors are governments, while the actions are limited to war, trade, and treaty to keep the case study tractable. We then identify key periods, key events, and hence key actors, key locations through a time-resolved examination of the actions. This tool allows historians to deal with historical data issues (e.g., source provenance identification, event validation, trade-conflict-diplomacy relationships, etc.). On a higher level, this automatic extraction of key narratives from a historical database allows historians to formulate hypotheses on the courses of history, and also allow them to test these hypotheses in other actions or in additional data sets. Our vision is that this narrative-driven analysis of historical data can lead to the development of multiple scale agent-based models, which can be simulated on a computer to generate ensembles of counterfactual histories that would deepen our understanding of how our actual history developed the way it did. The generation of such narratives, automatically and in a scalable way, will revolutionize the practice of history as a discipline, because historical knowledge, that is the treasure of human experiences (i.e. the heritage of the world), will become what might be inherited by machine learning algorithms and used in smart cities to highlight and explain present ties and illustrate potential future scenarios and visionarios.

The World Order of Vietnamese Empire during the First Half of the 19th Century (19세기 전반 베트남 제국(帝國)의 국제질서)

  • Choi, Byung-Wook
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.21 no.1
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    • pp.249-286
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    • 2011
  • This study examines the nature of the world order or the international relations of the 19th century Vietnam. Those who are familiar with the Chinese world order based on the tributary system, have applied the quasi-Chinese world order concept to Vietnam by the terms of 'smaller dragon,' 'little China,' and 'Chinese model.' According to this way of understanding, Vietnamese empire was the imitation or the small sized version of the Chinese empire. Examples are to label Vietnamese emperor as the "Southeast Asian version of the Chinese emperor" or "an absolute photocopy of the Chinese world order." But the author of this article raises questions to this framework of the Chinese Model, and looks for the Vietnamese own world order based on the Southeast Asian tradition. Two issues are discussed in this study. First is the Vietnamese relationships with Southeast Asia. According to author, the first concern of Vietnam in relation to diplomatic relations was to the Mainland Southeast Asian countries. To clarify the contacts with Southeast Asia and Western powers, Vietnamese relationships with the regions of Island Southeast Asian countries were also examined. Second issue is to see the ways how Vietnam maintained its own world order in the course of wars and diplomacy with China. Author argues that the world order of the 19th century Vietnam was closer to the traditional world order of mandala in the Southeast Asia than to the quasi Chinese world order. The relationships among the countries were rather equal than hierarchical. Vietnam regarded the countries of Southeast Asia especially Thailand and Burma as the equal countries. China was one of the equal countries to the eyes of Vietnamese leaders and Vietnam did not have enough room to embody the quasi Chinese world order though the Vietnamese rulers used the titles of emperor, which was the Vietnamese version of Southeast Asian 'king.' In conclusion, the world order of Vietnam is summarized into the two facets of $l{\hat{a}}n$ giao(diplomatic relations with neighbors) and bang giao(diplomatic relations between two countries i.e. Vietnam and China). $l{\hat{a}}n$ giao was to the countries of Southeast Asia while the bang giao was the term and concept for the diplomatic relationship with China. These two relationships composed Vietnamese foreign relationship, ngo?i giao. Author claims that these two relations were based on the spirit of equality that emerged from the beginning of the 19th century.