• Title/Summary/Keyword: Change of Relations between Countries

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Impact of the Change in Market Conditions on a Test for Market Cointegration (시장여건의 변화가 시장통합의 검정에 미치는 영향)

  • Kim, Tae-Ho
    • The Korean Journal of Applied Statistics
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    • v.24 no.1
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    • pp.103-114
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    • 2011
  • Current series for testing stock market cointegrations tend to be restricted to analyzing the relations between stock market prices and may not be able to understand the whole picture of the variations in the stock market system. The nature of the variations in the stock prices, between the countries that experienced economic crisis and those did not, are different for a certain period of time, and accordingly excluding the potentially important variables in the stock market system causes statistical bias. This study considers domestic foreign exchange markets and financial markets in testing for the cointegrating relations of the stock prices in Korea and major investing countries. The results demonstrate the possibility of specification errors unless those markets are included in the statistical modeling process.

A Study on the Change of Relation between Countries through Analysis of Portal News Articles: Focusing on the Czech Republic (포털 뉴스 기사 분석을 통한 국가 간 관계 변화 추이 연구 - 체코를 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Jinmook
    • Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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    • v.53 no.2
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    • pp.159-178
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    • 2019
  • The purpose of the study is to examine the trend in the change of relation between countries (Czech and Korea) through analysis of portal new articles. In order to achieve the purpose, we analyzed news articles about Czech from 1990 to March 31st, 2019. We divided it into 6 periods by every 5 years, reviewed 200 news articles for each period totaling 1,200 news articles, and categorized them into 4 categories by subject (politics, economy, society and culture, and educations). The result of the study showed the subject of society and culture represented the largest proportion of all news articles. We also found that the range of changes in the sub-categories of society and culture occurred most extensively. We concluded the paper with several suggestions that could promote cooperation between Korea and Czech.

Analysis of Relations between Demographic Factors and Economic Growth in Japan (일본의 인구학적 요인과 경제성장간의 관계에 대한 분석)

  • Kim, Ho-Beom;Kwak, So-Hui
    • International Area Studies Review
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    • v.12 no.2
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    • pp.125-145
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    • 2008
  • Japan is now facing an aging society with fewer children. According to the demographic change in Japan, its economic effect on the economic growth has gained public attention. This paper focuses on the effect of the demographic change on economic growth in Japan, too. The first part illustrates the process of demographic transition in Japan. Thanks to successful Meiji Revitalizing Reform, Japan had experienced demographic transition earlier than the other East Asia countries. The second part of this paper describes relations between demographic factors and economic growth theoretically. In addition, it analyzes demographic effects on economic growth empirically using time series data of Japan from 1952 to 2005. It is the main finding of analyses that there are positive relations between demographic factor, including employment population rate, population rate and TFR, and economic growth. Therefore, in the near future, a decreasing labor force will cause economic stagnation in Japan. To overcome this problems, it is required to make various policies.

Hizb Ut-Tahrir's Adaptation Strategies against the State Repression in Indonesia: A Social Movement Perspective

  • Aswar, Hasbi
    • SUVANNABHUMI
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    • v.14 no.2
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    • pp.233-249
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    • 2022
  • Hizb ut-Tahrir (HT) is an Islamic social movement that struggles to change the existing political system to the Islamic system. HT argues that all problems in the Muslim world are rooted in adopting secular thought and ideology and the separation between Islam and the state. Hence, HT works to persuade Muslims to abandon that way of life and only apply Islam as the country's only ideology and constitution. HT has spread this narrative since it started in 1953 in Jordan. With this ideological and political attitude, many countries consider HT a threat to their political and community life, suppressing this movement by arresting members and banning the group to reduce or end HT activities in these countries. The Indonesian government has also carried out this repressive policy to limit the influence of Indonesian HTI since 2017. This paper aims to discuss the strategy of Hizb ut-Tahrir to continue its political activities Indonesia after being dissolved by the Indonesian government in 2017. This article used content analysis method to interpret the data collected from interview and documents from Hizb ut-Tahrir. Responding to state repression, HTI sought other methods of action by changing the place of resistance or activities, and by changing its identity.

Do North Korean Social Media Show Signs of Change?: An Examination of a YouTube Channel Using Qualitative Tagging and Social Network Analysis

  • Park, Han Woo;Lim, Yon Soo
    • Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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    • v.19 no.1
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    • pp.123-143
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    • 2020
  • This study examines the interplay between the reactions of YouTube users and North Korean propaganda. Interesting enough, the study has noticed changes in the strict media environment under young leader Kim. Messages delivered by the communist regime to the outside world appeared to resemble those of 'normal' countries. Although North Korean YouTube was led mainly by the account operator, visitors from different nations do comment on the channel, which suggests the possibility of building international communities for propaganda purposes. Overall, the study observed a sparsely connected social network among ordinary commenters. However, the operator did not exercise tight control over peer-to-peer communication but merely answered questions and tried to facilitate mass participation. In contrast to the many news clips, the documentary content on North Korea's YouTube channel did not explicitly advocate for North Korea's current political positions.

Laos 2017: The Coexistence of Political Stagnation and Economic Change (라오스 2017: 정치적 정체와 경제적 변화의 혼재)

  • LEE, Yo Han
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.28 no.1
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    • pp.145-171
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    • 2018
  • Laos' 2017 is a year of political "stagnation" and economic "change". In the political arena, despite the achievements such as the improvement of the corruption perception index (CPI), it is necessary to watch the progress of the reform. Diplomatically, the influence of China is expected to increase further. In particular, since November 2017, Xi Jinping's visit to Laos is expected to strengthen the framework of cooperation between the economic corridor and Lanchang-Mekong Cooperation Meeting. And Laos continued to have friendly relations with other neighboring countries, the ASEAN countries. However, the issue of the Laos-Cambodian border issue following the general election in Cambodia may recur. The economic sector maintained a high growth rate due to capital inflows from the construction of large infrastructures and the favorable tourism industry, but structural problems such as deficits in the fiscal and current account should be resolved. Korea and Laos discussed the comprehensive cooperation between the two countries through the Mekong Senior Officials' Meeting in March 2017 and the Ministerial Meeting of the Korean-Lao Foreign Minister in September 2017. Laos is Korea's eighth ODA aid (grant), and ODA will become an important diplomatic cooperation channel between the two countries in the future. In the economic relationship, the trade sector is on a declining trend, but investment and human exchanges are steadily increasing.

New Normality in the Asia-Pacific Region: Beijing between Moscow and Washington (Новая нормальность в АТР: Пекин между Москвой и Вашингтоном)

  • Sergey A. Lukonin;Sung Hoon Jeh
    • Anayses & Alternatives
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    • v.7 no.1
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    • pp.229-258
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    • 2023
  • For the main countries of the Asia-Pacific region, the United States, China and Russia, a situation of "new normality" is emerging. Moreover, for each of the countries, this "new normality" has its own meaning. For the United States, this is an aggravation of the military confrontation with China in the Taiwan Strait. For China, this is an increase in the degree of rivalry with the United States and a slowdown in the pace of economic development with a very high probability of their decline in the future. For Russia, this is an almost complete curtailment of relations with the United States against the background of a special military operation and imposed sanctions. These nuances, in addition to the results of the 20th CPC Congress, will determine the main trends in Sino-American and Sino-Russian relations. It seems that China's attitude towards Russia will not change against the background of the Ukrainian crisis. Beijing will maintain a position of "benevolent neutrality" towards Moscow. At the same time, the balance between "goodwill" and "neutrality" may vary depending on the scope of Sino-Russian cooperation. For example, in the economic sphere, Chinese companies will be afraid to cooperate with Russian partners for fear of secondary sanctions. However, in general, Russia will retain its importance for China as the strongest anti-American pole. In relations with the United States, China will continue to firmly defend its interests, while at the same time not excluding the normalization of relations with Washington in certain areas of cooperation: strategic stability, non-traditional threats, ecology, etc. In general, the decisions of the 20th CPC Congress do not allow us to say either in favor or against the idea of China's readiness to resume dialogue with the United States in the post-congress period. Sino-American relations, as noted above, have their own logic and will probably continue to develop within its framework. However, so are Sino-Russian relations. Within the framework of these logics, Beijing seems to continue to balance between the two vectors of its foreign policy. On the one hand, this is the development of bilateral cooperation with Russia in order to strengthen its own negotiating positions in the confrontation with the United States: military cooperation with an emphasis on joint exercises, political cooperation based on anti-Americanism, economic cooperation with an eye to the risks of secondary sanctions. On the other hand, it is unacceptable for China to recognize the collapse of Ukraine, the inadmissibility of a direct military clash with the United States and the extreme undesirability of further aggravation of relations with the United States on the factor of Chinese friendship with Russia.

Continuation and change of Taiwan's New Southbound Policy in the De-Sinicization: The dynamics of Balancing and Bandwagoning (탈중국을 위한 대만 남향정책의 지속과 변화: 균형과 편승의 동학)

  • Kim, Sunjae;Kim, Suhan
    • Anayses & Alternatives
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    • v.6 no.1
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    • pp.69-114
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    • 2022
  • This paper analyzes Taiwan's 「New Southbound Policy」 from the perspective of 'balancing' and 'bandwagoning' in international politics. Specifically, it examines the changes and characteristics of 'Southbound policies' that have continued since the period of the Lee Teng-hui(李登輝) administration, and examines the meaning of the New Southbound Policy promoted by the Tsai Ing-wen(蔡英文) administration. Taiwan's foreign policy has been strongly influenced by external variables such as U.S.-China relations. Previous Taiwanese governments have actively promoted Southbound policies to advance to Southeast Asian countries such as ASEAN with the aim of 'De-Sinicization', but have not achieved much results. This is because variables such as cooperative U.S.-China relations and strong checks from China played a role at the time. In this environment, Taiwan had to pursue an appropriate 'balancing' between the United States, China, and Southeast Asian countries. However, since the inauguration of the Trump administration, strategic competition between the U.S. and China has been maximized, creating a new space for Taiwan's foreign policy. This is because the U.S. valued cooperation with Taiwan in the process of embodying the 'Indo-Pacific Strategy' to curb China's rise. The New Southbound Policy promoted by the Tsai Ing-won administration is different from the existing Southbound policies in that it seeks to link with the U.S. India-Pacific Strategy and attempts to advance to South Asian countries such as India. From an international political point of view, the Tsai Ing-won administration's New Southbound Policy can be interpreted as a 'bandwagoning' to the United States, not a balanced strategy between the U.S. and China. Strategic competition between the U.S. and China is expected to intensify for a considerable period of time in the future, and honeymoon between Taiwan and the U.S. are also expected to continue. Taiwan's bandwagoning strategy, which actively pursues a link between the New Southbound Policy and the India-Pacific Strategy, is also expected to be maintained.

Structure of Export Competition between Asian NIEs and Japan in the U.S. Import Market and Exchange Rate Effects (한국(韓國)의 아시아신흥공업국(新興工業國) 및 일본(日本)과의 대미수출경쟁(對美輸出競爭) : 환율효과(換率效果)를 중심(中心)으로)

  • Jwa, Sung-hee
    • KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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    • v.12 no.2
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    • pp.3-49
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    • 1990
  • This paper analyzes U.S. demand for imports from Asian NIEs and Japan, utilizing the Almost Ideal Demand System (AIDS) developed by Deaton and Muellbauer, with an emphasis on the effect of changes in the exchange rate. The empirical model assumes a two-stage budgeting process in which the first stage represents the allocation of total U.S. demand among three groups: the Asian NIEs and Japan, six Western developed countries, and the U.S. domestic non-tradables and import competing sector. The second stage represents the allocation of total U.S. imports from the Asian NIEs and Japan among them, by country. According to the AIDS model, the share equation for the Asia NIEs and Japan in U.S. nominal GNP is estimated as a single equation for the first stage. The share equations for those five countries in total U.S. imports are estimated as a system with the general demand restrictions of homogeneity, symmetry and adding-up, together with polynomially distributed lag restrictions. The negativity condition is also satisfied for all cases. The overall results of these complicated estimations, using quarterly data from the first quarter of 1972 to the fourth quarter of 1989, are quite promising in terms of the significance of individual estimators and other statistics. The conclusions drawn from the estimation results and the derived demand elasticities can be summarized as follows: First, the exports of each Asian NIE to the U.S. are competitive with (substitutes for) Japan's exports, while complementary to the exports of fellow NIEs, with the exception of the competitive relation between Hong Kong and Singapore. Second, the exports of each Asian NIE and of Japan to the U.S. are competitive with those of Western developed countries' to the U.S, while they are complementary to the U.S.' non-tradables and import-competing sector. Third, as far as both the first and second stages of budgeting are coneidered, the imports from each Asian NIE and Japan are luxuries in total U.S. consumption. However, when only the second budgeting stage is considered, the imports from Japan and Singapore are luxuries in U.S. imports from the NIEs and Japan, while those of Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong are necessities. Fourth, the above results may be evidenced more concretely in their implied exchange rate effects. It appears that, in general, a change in the yen-dollar exchange rate will have at least as great an impact, on an NIE's share and volume of exports to the U.S. though in the opposite direction, as a change in the exchange rate of the NIE's own currency $vis-{\grave{a}}-vis$ the dollar. Asian NIEs, therefore, should counteract yen-dollar movements in order to stabilize their exports to the U.S.. More specifically, Korea should depreciate the value of the won relative to the dollar by approximately the same proportion as the depreciation rate of the yen $vis-{\grave{a}}-vis$ the dollar, in order to maintain the volume of Korean exports to the U.S.. In the worst case scenario, Korea should devalue the won by three times the maguitude of the yen's depreciation rate, in order to keep market share in the aforementioned five countries' total exports to the U.S.. Finally, this study provides additional information which may support empirical findings on the competitive relations among the Asian NIEs and Japan. The correlation matrices among the strutures of those five countries' exports to the U.S.. during the 1970s and 1980s were estimated, with the export structure constructed as the shares of each of the 29 industrial sectors' exports as defined by the 3 digit KSIC in total exports to the U.S. from each individual country. In general, the correlation between each of the four Asian NIEs and Japan, and that between Hong Kong and Singapore, are all far below .5, while the ones among the Asian NIEs themselves (except for the one between Hong Kong and Singapore) all greatly exceed .5. If there exists a tendency on the part of the U.S. to import goods in each specific sector from different countries in a relatively constant proportion, the export structures of those countries will probably exhibit a high correlation. To take this hypothesis to the extreme, if the U.S. maintained an absolutely fixed ratio between its imports from any two countries for each of the 29 sectors, the correlation between the export structures of these two countries would be perfect. Therefore, since any two goods purchased in a fixed proportion could be classified as close complements, a high correlation between export structures will imply a complementary relationship between them. Conversely, low correlation would imply a competitive relationship. According to this interpretation, the pattern formed by the correlation coefficients among the five countries' export structures to the U.S. are consistent with the empirical findings of the regression analysis.

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Local Self-Government in the Conditions of Digitization: International-Legal Experience

  • Perezhniak, Boris;Vasylchuk, Larysa;Bevz, Tetiana;Pyroha, Serhii;Ulianov, Oleksiy
    • International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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    • v.22 no.10
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    • pp.165-170
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    • 2022
  • Nowadays more and more attention is paid to digital technologies, digitization, and the digitization of public services in particular. Progressive countries aim to build "digital" governance and a digital economy. In this aspect, the international experience of using digitization in the field of public administration, including in local self-government bodies, plays an important role. Therefore, it is important to analyze the international legal experience of the functioning of local self-government in the conditions of digitization. The purpose of the work is to study the international legal experience of the functioning of local self-government in the conditions of digitization. The object of the study is local self-government in the conditions of digitization through the prism of international legal experience. The subject of the study is social relations that arise, change, and cease during the implementation of digitization in local self-government in Ukraine and foreign countries. The research methodology consists of such methods as the method of philosophical hermeneutics; dialectical method; classification method; comparative method; target method; method of documentary analysis; generalization method. Research results. As a result of the conducted research, the international experience of the functioning of local self-government in conditions of digitization was analyzed. In particular, the impact of digitization processes on the course of the decentralization reform in Ukraine is summarized. Also, from the analysis of international experience, a conclusion was made about the potential possibility of reducing the existing gap in the process of communication between the central government and united territorial communities thanks to the introduction of the latest technologies in the field of administrative services, to stimulate innovative and economic development of regions, attracting the attention of businesses and potential investors, as well as the functioning of more open local authorities with electronic communication tools.