• Strategy21
• /
• s.30
• /
• pp.236-262
• /
• 2012

Morgenthau claims that in international relations, there are the economic, political, and military powers that enable a nation to achieve its political and diplomatic goals. This paper explores the possibility of resolving international conflicts with naval power. First, the theoretical and historical perspective, naval power was used as a final resort to force a nation's political or diplomatic objective on an enemy nation when negotiations failed, and this was done through the physical and psychological destruction of the enemy by naval power. But as the use of military power has decreased because of the invention of the nuclear weapon, the existence of a large and capable navy deterrent has become one of the most useful military options among a nation's diplomatic measures. In other words, he focused on the political usefulness of naval power as a deterrent and coercive diplomatic tool for persuading other nations to acquiesce, rather than using naval power and actual military action as a final resort. The reason for this is that compared to army and air force, navy's flexibility, continuity, and the ability to deter are greater. The navy provides excellent accessibility through its wide mobility on the sea, and it has been shown through research that the navy possesses a political usefulness that facilitates the solution of conflicts through presence, naval intervention, and naval blockade. On the other hand, among the factors that could improve the influence of the navy are alliance relations, a reliable and powerful navy, carrots and sticks that it would have to deal with in the case of successful or unsuccessful negotiations, and support from international opinion. On this paper I introduce E.N.Luttwak's naval suasion theory. By the his theory, there are two mode of naval suasion. One is latent naval suasion the other is active suasion. Latent suasion there are deterrent mode and supportive mode. Active naval suasion there are coercive mode and supportive mode. Coercive mode has positive and negative. The limitations of naval suasion have been identified as follows. First, because the objective of the use of naval power is persuading enemy nations, the results are unpredictable. Second, the leaders of all countries possess limited understanding on the complexities of naval power and therefore lack understanding of the usefulness of naval power when choosing options. Third, in case of failure through naval suasion, prestige and reputation of a nation can be damaged. Finally, the following are additional possible research topic. First, a research on the decision making process of choosing naval power as a measure to resolve conflicts is needed. Lastly, research on the size of the navy and types of ships required for efficient naval suasion is needed. Today's world requires cooperative security regime so that middle class navy also requires political use of naval power in solving international conflicts. Therefore, additional research on this topic is needed.

• Strategy21
• /
• s.42
• /
• pp.154-195
• /
• 2017

This paper is to analyse conflict between the US and China over the South China Sea and Korea's responses. To this end the paper is composed of 6 chapters titled instruction; the current status of South China Sea sovereignty disputes; changes in US and Chinese maritime security strategies and the strategic values of the South China Sea; key issues and future prospects for US-China conflicts in the South China Sea; South Korea's security and diplomatic responses; and conclusion. The recent East Asian maritime security issue has evolved into a global issue of supremacy between the US and China, beyond conflicts over territorial disputes and demarcation among the countries in the region. China is pursuing offensive ocean policy to expand economic growth. The core of the maritime order that the United States intends to pursue is the freedom of navigation in the oceans and the maintenance of maritime access. China is making artificial islands in the South China Sea, claiming the sovereignty of these islands, building strategic bases in East Asia, and securing routes. The United States has developed several "Freedom of Navigation Operations" to neutralize the declaration of the territorial sea surrounding Chinese artificial islands. We can not be free from marine conflicts in the South China Sea and the East China Sea. Regarding the South China Sea dispute, it is expected that the strategic competition and conflict between the two countries will intensify due to China's failure to make concessions of core interests and adherence to the US compliance with international norms. In the midst of conflict over the South China Sea, we need a harmonious balance between our alliance security and economic diplomacy. We must continue our efforts to strengthen the ROK-US alliance but not to make China an enemy. Considering the significant impacts of the oceans on the survival and prosperity of the nation, we must continue to develop our interest in the oceans, appropriate investments and tactical strategies.

• Strategy21
• /
• s.33
• /
• pp.5-36
• /
• 2014

This article aims to analyze the diplomatic challenges currently facing China as well as the foreign policy the Xi Jinping administration is adopting to address them. With these purposes in mind, it will look into three areas: first, diplomatic tasks confronting the Xi leadership; second, foreign policy that the Xi administration has implemented since the 18th Party Congress in 2012; and third, the prospects for China's foreign policy under the Xi leadership. As the Xi Jinping administration entered into office, it has encountered two major diplomatic challenges. One is the searching for a new foreign policy, and the other the restructuring of the existing foreign affairs and national security systems. The Xi administration, during its first year in office, has responded actively to tackle these issues. To begin with, it has attempted to make some adjustments on foreign policy while maintaining the Deng Xiaoping line of foreign policy. One of these modifications is placing emphasis on national "core interest," as illustrated by changes in guideline for maritime conflicts, pushing for building maritime power, and proclamation of Air Defense Identification Zone in the East China Sea. Second is the decision on the new guideline for peripheral diplomacy. That is, the administration regarded creating peaceful and stable environments to realize "Chinese Dream" as an important goal of foreign policy, and proposed such new guiding ideology as "familiarity, integrity, benefit, and accommodation." In additoin, the Xi administration restructured the existing foreign affairs and national security systems. Establishing the Central State Security Committee and the Internet Leading Small Group (LSG) are cases in point. As comprehensive organizations for policy coordination that encompass party, government, and military, the two LSGs are in charge of enacting related policies and fine-tuning policy implementation, based upon leadership consisting of chiefs of each relevant organs. Moreover, since Xi himself became the chief of these two newly-found organs, the conditions under which these LSGs could demonstrate unified leadership and adjusting role in its implementation of military, diplomatic, and security policies were developed. The future Chinese diplomacy will be characterized with three main trends. First, peripheral diplomacy will be reinforced. The peripheral diplomacy has become far more important since the Work Conference on Peripheral Diplomacy in October 2013. Second, economic diplomacy will be strengthened with an eye on reducing the "China Threat Theory," which still exists in Asia. Third, the policies to isolate the Philippines and Japan will continue in regard to maritime disputes. All in all, Chinese diplomacy in the Xi Jinping era is likely to feature practical diplomacy which combines both hard and soft approaches to best realize Chinese national interest.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
• /
• v.26 no.4
• /
• pp.83-109
• /
• 2016

Recently, China has brought many political, economical, and ideological changes in order to complete the "socialistic market economy." In terms of legal system, they make much effort to seek compatibility and stability of law and order. China recognizes that the breakdown of corruption, which is rampant in society, is an essential short-cut for national development. To realize anti-corruption reformation, it strengthens the supervision of relatives and close officials of high-ranking government officials. Recently, China has suffered from expanded trade disputes internationally and has also experienced severe management-labor conflicts domestically due to economic recession. From 2012 onward, civil lawsuit and other litigations have increased sharply. Also, they face severe conflicts in the land system. It is expected that many disputes arise due to speculation on rural housing. Meanwhile, Mongolia expands the size of trade with Korea in mutual cooperation since their diplomatic relation in 1990 by entering more than 20 treaties and agreements. As Mongolia has rich natural resources and Korea is equipped with advanced science and technology, the two countries have opportunities to develop mutually beneficial cooperative relations. Recently, the arbitration system has attracted attention instead of litigation as a means of dispute settlement in line with the expansion of trade between Korea and Mongolia. This study would be helpful to figure out desirable methods for dispute settlements in case of trade disputes among Korean companies that would advance into China and Mongolia.

• Journal of Distribution Science
• /
• v.19 no.10
• /
• pp.87-97
• /
• 2021

Purpose: Compared with the past when Japanese retailers used to hesitate to open their shops in the Korean market, because of anti-Japan sentiment, they show confidence in Korea in recent. This study, thus, aims at examining how socio-demographic factors have an impact on customer attitudes towards a Japanese retailer as a shopping destination. Research design, data, and methodology: After the literature review process, the authors have developed a variety of questions to verify the relationship amongst the variables like nationalism, consumer ethnocentrism, war animosity, store country-of-origin and anti-Japan sentiment. Furthermore, after collected questionnaires, the authors used confirmative factor analysis (CFA), T test and linear regression analysis to verify the 25 hypotheses developed. Results: Except for a household size element, it is found that gender, age, education and income levels are related to the degree of nationalism, ethnocentrism, war animosity, store country-of-origin and anti-Japan sentiment. In other words, socio-economic elements influenced Korean customer attitudes towards Japanese retailers. Conclusions: Korean customers tend to show different shopping attitudes towards the Japanese retailers, depending on the characteristics of socio-demographic elements. Furthermore, changing socio-demographic factors will provide positive business opportunities for Japanese retailers in the future.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.25 no.3
• /
• pp.33-67
• /
• 2019

This study analyzes whether online political activities have an important impact on attitudes toward the legalization of same-sex marriage and the anti-discrimination law and whether these effects are different by the religion of voters. The main findings are as follows. First, the ideology variable has a significant effect on attitude toward legalizing same-sex marriage and enacting anti-discrimination law. Second, the higher the degree of online political activities, the more likely they will support two issues. Third, the effect on attitudes toward the enactment of anti-discrimination law has appeared different by religion. In other words, Protestants, compared to other religions, are more likely to oppose the enactment of anti-discrimination laws as the level of online political activities increased. Our study is meaningful in that we found online political activities play an important role in making voters' attitudes positively toward the enhancement of the right of sexual minorities. Also, although ideological conflicts are usually intense in diplomatic and security issues in Korea, the sexual minority issue would be likely to be an crucial as a dimension of ideological conflicts.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
• /
• v.5 no.3
• /
• pp.185-190
• /
• 2019

Historically, the representation of the colonial period has responded closely to the policies and political conditions of the time. The Korean blockbuster , which links the genealogy of Manchuria Western, adopts a safe nationalism frame, upgrading the genre's narrative typology to colorful action and spectacle, including the Japanese army, the Liberation Army, the good and evil, and the confusion of identity. On the other hand, , which deals with the friendship of the poet and the warrior, treats the mental and internal struggles implied by the power of poetry, without resorting to familiar nationalism and heroism. is a thorough genre of rules. If the visual and sensual pleasures of imaginative resilience beyond the bounds of the law are provided within the Rules, inevitably seeks resistance within the colonial empire's legal system. Political, diplomatic, and economic conflicts between Japan and Korea, which have been continuing until recently, reaffirm the framework of nationalism on the screen.

• Korean Security Journal
• /
• no.41
• /
• pp.67-96
• /
• 2014

Today each country in the world goes beyond the narrow concept of national security that was limited to national defense and ideology and are entering multi-dimensional global system mainly based on economic profits. Nevertheless, conflicts between nations due to religious and ideological reasons have brought unprecedentedly intense disputes Security services for head of states have been an important national mission in every era and society. However, they are becoming a main target for assassination and attacks by terrorists. Attacks on the head of state and other VIPs can cause aftermath ranging from war to conflict situation, political crisis, and economic loss. Therefore this study aims to draw insights by comparing protective security units of Korea, the U.S., and Japan which have different legal basis and sociocultural characteristics. Especially in South Korea, which faces difficult diplomatic stance due to the tension with North Korea and relationship with other countries such as the U.S., China, and Russia as well as polarization between classes, generations, regions, and ideologies, cohesion among members of society has weakened and hatred toward the head of state has been brought, which emphasizes the important of national security services. Therefore the study of protective security units and its operation by comparison between neighboring countries will be able to bring insights on the promotion of the security service.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
• /
• v.35 no.1
• /
• pp.127-152
• /
• 2020

Despite growing international cooperation for maintenance of international peace and security, wars continue to occur due to conflicted state interests. Continuing conflicts has advanced development of various weapon systems such as global integrated intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance. However, with a big increase in the number of civilian casualties caused by the weapon systems development, the international community has also advanced diplomatic efforts to minimize deaths of civilian and military personnel. Therefore, it is essential to observe the principle of discrimination between combatants and non-combatants when operating unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), better known as drones. Drones have become more capable of distinguishing combatants from non-combatants due to its high-tech prowess. In the operation of drones, any parties involved in combat or the war are responsible for mounting civilian casualties. In addition, it should comply with the principle of proportionality that calls for a balance between results of such action and expected military advantage anticipated from the attack. The rule of proportionality prohibits use of military force which may be expected to cause excessive civilian harm. Drones have been able to track and monitor targets for hours and select the accurate locations of the targets. The aim is to reduce civilian losses and damage to a minimum. Drones meet the standards of Article 51.4 of the Additional Protocol.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Marine Environment & Safety
• /
• v.18 no.2
• /
• pp.167-174
• /
• 2012

Transport of marine debris between countries is a potential source of diplomatic conflicts. U-i Island in Shinan County, Jeonnam Province has been reported by media as being damaged by marine debris from foreign countries. However, scientific researches on those marine debris have not been published. So, the features of foreign marine debris on Seongchon Beach in U-i Island were surveyed on Feb. 2012. The ratio of marine debris from foreign countries was 34.7% by number of items, 56.3% by weight, and 48.5% by volume in $200m^2$ transacts. Most of them, 98.9% in number, were inferred to be originated from China. The most abundant items were plastic beverage bottles and black floats. The total number of black floats was 539 within the 1,100m beach. Fifteen of them had information on manufactured locations, of which 87.6% were Liaoning Province in northern China. As domestic policy cannot prevent the inflow of the marine debris from foreign countries, countermeasures should be sought out from the international cooperation with the neighboring countries. For the black floats, recycling method should be developed as lots of the same types of black floats are drifted ashore in winter. And, as the U-i Island is a National Park with its valuable natural heritages, methods should be designed to minimize impacts on dune topography and ecology.