• STI Policy Review
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.23-42
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• 2010

The American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA), known widely as the "stimulus" bill, developed by the U.S. Congress and President-elect Obama in late 2008 and early 2009, is investing a significant portion of its $787 billion infusion of funds in future-oriented programs intended not only to "jump-start" the stalled American economy, but to promote the development of renewable energy sources and increase energy efficiency in appliances, buildings, transportation, and other sectors of the economy. These investments are expected both to create immediate employment in green industries and to build a more sustainable society in the long term. The Obama Administration's green energy initiatives are part of a larger emphasis on science and technology within its agenda. It has roots in the Obama campaign and is supported by an unusually strong science and technology team. Much of the activity is centered in the Department of Energy, which received a huge one-time increase in its fiscal year 2009 budget to support the new and expanded programs. Areas that have been neglected by the federal government R&D program for many years, including smart grid technology, solar, wind, and geothermal energy, received large boosts. Many of these programs - and, in fact, the broader concept of government involvement in commercial innovation - are politically controversial Previous attempts to expand research in these areas by liberal Democratic administrations and Congresses have been criticized and sometimes thwarted by conservatives. Whether President Obama's efforts will meet with more success, both politically and technologically, remains to be seen.

• Journal of Nuclear Fuel Cycle and Waste Technology(JNFCWT)
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.383-395
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• 2023

Since 1997, the Republic of Korea (ROK) has been developing pyro-processing (Pyro) technology to reduce the disposal burden of high-level radioactive waste by recycling spent nuclear fuel (SNF). Compared to plutonium and uranium extraction process, Korean Pyro technology has relatively excellent proliferation resistance that cannot separate pure plutonium owing to its intrinsic characteristics. Regarding Pyro technology development of ROK, the Bush administration considered that Pyro is not reprocessing under the Global Nuclear Energy Partnership, whereas the Obama administration considered that Pyro is subject to reprocessing. However, the Bush and Obama administrations did not allow ROK to conduct full Pyro activities using SNF, even though ROK had faithfully complied with international nonproliferation obligations. This is because the US nuclear nonproliferation policy to prevent the spread of sensitive technologies, such as enrichment and reprocessing, has a strong effect on ROK, unlike Japan, on a bilateral level beyond the NPT regime for non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.

• Communications of the Korean Institute of Information Scientists and Engineers
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.9-16
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• 2012

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Information Security & Cryptology
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.907-918
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to understand the cybersecurity policies and critical infrastructure protection of the United States through analyzing Donald Trump's administration executive orders, the national cyber strategy, and the legislation. The analysis has three findings. First, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) became a main agent in the cybersecurity while the role of the White House was reduced. Second, Trump's administration expanded its role and mission in the policy area by extending the meaning of critical infrastructure. Third, in the case of cyber threats, the government can be involved in the operation of critical infrastructures in the private sector. The opinions of the professional bureaucrats and DHS were more reflected in the direction of the cybersecurity policy than those of the White House. In contrast to Barack Obama's administration, the Trump administration's cybersecurity strategies were not much studied. This study provides insights for improving cybersecurity policies and critical infrastructure protection.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.35
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• pp.3-40
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• 2013

Establishment and expansion of a FOI regime is a fundamental basis for modern democracy. Informed decisions and supports by the people are critical to establishment of democratic institutions and policies. The best tool to make informed decisions and to ensure accountability is the FOI. For effective FOI, good records management is necessary requirement. This paper observes and analyses the development of the FOI in the U.S., the Open Government policy, and the government records management reforms under Obama Administration to search viable solutions for Korean FOI and public records management reforms. Major revisions and advancement of the FOIA in the United States are examined, especially the revision of the FOIA as the OPEN Government Act of 2007. The FOIA revision enhanced greatly the freedom of information in the U.S. including the establishment of an independent FOI ombudsman by the Congress. The paper also discusses the Presidential memoranda on the Open Government and the FOI by President Obama, the following directives, Presidential memorandum on government records management and the Government Records Management Directive. Major contents of the directives, plans, and achievement are summarized and analysed. Finally, this paper compares the government records management reforms under former President Roh Mu Hyun with the Obama's reform drive. The comparison found that major difference in the "top-down" government records reforms are the difference in democratic institutions such as weak congressional politics, strong bureaucratic obstacles, and relatively weak social and professional supports for the reforms in Korea, while these reforms were similar in terms that they were driven by insightful political leaders. Independent FOI ombudsman and national records administration are necessary for such democratic reforms.

• Journal of information and communication convergence engineering
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• v.8 no.5
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• pp.524-527
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• 2010

As the GPS(Global Positioning System) vulnerabilities were introduced, alternative systems to GPS backup have been studied for several years. Enhanced Loran(eLoran) as the worldwide ground-based supplementary radio navigation system was recommended as the cost effective alternative to GPS backup. Many efforts on adoption of eLoran as GPS backup have been presented. The US has been the leading role and announced that 70% enhancement for eLoran was established last year. However, the Obama administration cut off the eLoran budget on the fiscal year 2010 budget proposal while GAO's reports submitted that GPS service gap would be possible just some years later. Besides the US's condition, there are still many positive opinions on eLoran to GPS backup. This paper introduces the historical and technical aspects of eLoran and Korea's research topics.

• Strategy21
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• s.36
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• pp.94-120
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• 2015

The Asia-Pacific Region has emerged as a arena of geopolitical competition between the U.S. and China. The Obama administration of the U.S. had laid out the concept of rebalancing strategy toward the region, concentrating its 60 percent of Naval Forces to the region till 2020 and consolidating its network of allies and partners. Whereas Chinese leader Xi Jinping also put forward the concept of new type of major power relations concerning its relations with the U.S. and a concept of 'the Asian Community of Common Destiny' aiming at a more intensified mutual relation among countries in the region. In doing so, Asia-Pacific region gradually became the arena where mutual competition and cooperation between the U.S. and China has crossfired. As a close ally to the U.S. and a partner to Japan, South Korea should develop trilateral naval cooperation by holding joint naval drill with the aim of humanitarian support and disaster relief. At the same time, Seoul also should make efforts to proceed mutual confidence building with Beijing by deepening military-to-military cooperation. These policy options will be helpful to enhance Seoul's security posture in the region.

• Land and Housing Review
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.21-31
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to introduce the design and early implementation results of Choice Neighborhoods(Choice) initiative, which is the most recent version of public housing policies in the United States designed and implemented under the Obama administration. The Choice initiative aims to support a wide range of strategies locally driven to address problems in disadvantaged neighborhoods with an emphasis on a comprehensive approach to transforming those neighborhoods. In this study, first, I briefly review the history of public housing policies since 1937, particularly focusing on limitations of HOPE VI(Housing Opportunity for People Everywhere) projects to understand the context behind the advent of the program. Second, I introduce the overall design of the Choice program and point out how this programs' design differs from previous public housing programs by reviewing the literature on federal guidelines for the Choice program. This study particularly focuses on introducing social services given to existing residents in public housing and their neighborhoods in redevelopment processes. These social services are intended to address poverty-related problems that public housing residents often confront, to help them break out of the cycle of poverty, and to minimize the negative impacts of relocation triggered by redevelopment. Third, to examine how this program has been implemented and has revealed limitations so far, I review an interim evaluation report based on five cities. This study ends with discussing policy implications for public housing providers and housing policy-makers in South Korea.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.1-6
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• 2019

During the Obama administration, America made a shift in its foreign policies to re-focus on Asia. The strategy, known as 'Pivot to Asia', was used to contain a rising China. In this editorial note, I appropriate the geopolitical term to call for a scholarly refocus on Asia (and the broader Asia Pacific region). JCEA started as an area journal. While it has become more technology-focused and less geographically-bounded in its coverage of topics, the journal recognizes the centrality of the region's political economy and technological forces in setting (and upsetting) global norms and rules. The Asia Pacific contains the world's freest economies as well as the most oppressive regimes. It breeds both technology giants and laggards. As new geopolitical tensions loom, it is where the digital iron curtain is drawn, and where the vice and virtue of innovations debated. Social scientists in the English world, who lend extensively on European and American cases, can benefit from studying the Asia Pacific by testing whether and how local experience conforms to or confronts with universal theories. Very likely, western-centric norms and models become morphed and entangled in the grounded local particularity, reflecting many shades of this diverse place. In my arguments below, I highlight the Asia Pacific as a site of contradiction, as well as a site of contention and negotiation. My emphasis is that regional particularity holds the key to answer concurrent debates in the West concerning governance and accountability in the digital age.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.31-60
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• 2011

Medvedev administration has adopted new foreign policy line because of Obama administration's 'Reset' policy and Global economic crisis. The objectives of Medvedev's new foreign policy are the creation of a favorable external environment and the efficient use of external resources for Russia's economic modernization. To achieve these goals, Medvedev's government fleshed out such specific action plans as the avoidance of conflicts with other powers, the prevention of conflicts around Russia's borders, the activation of capital investment, and the introduction of advanced technology from the outside. This foreign policy line takes shape in the building of a foundation for strategic cooperation with the United States, the preparation for 'Modernization Alliance' with Europe, the management of cooperation and conflict with China and Japan, and the introduction of a dual strategy of strategic stability and economic integration in relations with post-soviet states. In Russia's new foreign policy line the strengthening of relations with the United States and Europe acquires highest priority. However, this does not mean a return to a 'pro-Western liberal line' in the early 1990s. The ultimate goal of Russia's 'modernization' program still lies in the rebuilding of a powerful Russia in accordance with the multipolar world order that was Putin administration's foreign policy line. In this context, foreign policy change under Medvedev administration could be defined as a 'program change at international level' that signifies a change in the means to achieve goals without changing them.