• Anayses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.3-16
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• 2017

This paper aims to emphasize the necessity of beginning and developing judicial politics in Korea. Law is constitutive of politics, and judicial politics is vital in understanding how politics is influenced by law. Disappointingly, social science in Korea has not recognized the importance of judicial politics. Judicial branch in Korea does not have the capacity to constrain the executive or other government agencies governed by elected officials. The rule of law does not work. Judicial politics has not yet been introduced in Korea, despite its enormous importance in shaping political economy. The rule of law and courts are believed to be the institutional foundation for economic growth. Law embodied in "no one is above the law" is recognized to provide fairness and stability with a democracy. Little attention to judicial politics results in leaving behind a missing link in a polity. The fortification of the rule of law is necessary to make democracy consolidated in Korea, as shown in impeachment of former president Park Geunhae. A new scholarship in Korea on judicial politics is in need to discuss what conditions under which the rule of law is possible and how to make it sustainable.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.5-38
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• 2019

After the democratization movement in 1987, korean politics was transformed into three kim's politics by y Kim Yeong-sam, Kim Dae-jung and Kim Jong-pil. Before the time of three kim's politics, korean politics lasted for one long term, but three kim's politics made possible the peaceful regime change through political party integration and party coalition. The evaluation of three kim's politics coexist both positive and negative. The Positive political effects are diversification of political party composition and stabilization of regime change. Three kim's politics transformed the political party composition of Korea from a two-party system to a multi-party system, made possible a peaceful regime change through the unification of three parties and the DJP coalition. However, the negative political distortions of three kim's politics are the shortening of political parties and the concentration of political ideology. In three kim's politics, political party in Korea has a very short life due to the creation of political parties, the dissolution of political parties, the reorganization of political parties and the integration of political parties. Conservatism and progressive tendencies related three kim's politics were stabilized through Yeongnam region and Honam region. Therefore, three kim's politics means that the proportion of Korean politics is very high. Political effects and distortions derived from three kim's politics have become a challenge for Korean politics to overcome.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.571-582
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• 2021

Employers and employees are seriously suffering from perceived organizational politics exhibited in the workplace, and they are searching for remedial ways. The current study was carried out to measure the (i) effects of the employees' perceived organizational politics on their behavioral outcomes, and (b) the remedial role of employees' social astuteness in the relationship of their perceived organizational politics to behavioral outcomes (i.e., work engagement and turnover intention). Seven hundred and twenty-five employees working in Nepalese A graded banks were surveyed to collect the perceptual cross-sectional data. The data were quantitatively analyzed, adopting the deducting reasoning approach. Regression analysis revealed that (i) perceived organizational politics negatively impacted on work engagement and positively impacted on turnover intention, (ii) social astuteness moderated the relationship between perceived organizational politics and employees' behavioral outcome. Moreover, perceived organizational politics' detrimental impact was less severe for employees who possess high social astuteness as compared to those who have less social astuteness. The remedial effect of social astuteness was measured more useful for high organizational politics perceiver than for low perceiver. A number of theoretical and practical implications are suggested to improve the employees' behavioral outcomes from the detrimental impact of perceived corporate politics.

• Journal of Korea Society of Digital Industry and Information Management
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.105-119
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to examine the organizational politics, resistance change, turnover intention, and organizational commitment of organizational members during mergers and acquisitions. Recently, many companies are interested in mergers and acquisitions for business diversification and market extension. A merger is a legal consolidation of two entities into one, whereas an acquisition occurs when one entity takes ownership of another entity's stock, equity interests, or assets. This research model establishes a structural equation model. This model is set in a causal relationship between manager's organizational politics, peer organizational politics, and change resistance and the change resistance has a causal relationship of turnover and tissue immersion. In particular, this study will test different of organizational politics by position. Research results, the organizational politics of managers and colleagues have shown increasing change resistance. The change resistance has resulted in a reduction of organizational commitment and an increase of turnover intention. Next, the position analysis showed that top management level, middle management level, and working-level officials showed different organizational politics. The working-level officials are influenced by their manager politics and are influenced in organizational commitment and turnover intention by change resistance. The middle manager level is influenced by the organizational politics of bosses and colleagues, and organizational commitment is weakened by change resistance. The CEO level is not affected by organizational politics in the company, but the turnover intention is strengthened and the organizational commitment is weakened by the change resistance. This study has contributed to further updating the theory of organizational politics based on mergers and acquisitions. As a practical implication, we suggest an organizational integration strategy for a new organization.

• Journal of Korea Technology Innovation Society
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.1-14
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• 2001

This study aims at developing some hypotheses on the politics of innovation in catching-up countries. Although innovation studies of catching-up countries have studied the process of acquisition of technological capabilities, the politics of innovation was not seriously considered in those studies. This study suggests a conceptual frame-works of the innovation politics and analyses the innovation process of mobile telecommunication system in Korea. Some hypotheses on the patterns and effects of innovation politics in catching-up countries are put forward.

• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2005.04a
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• pp.651-673
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• 2005

Political participation consciousness of social worker is changed and politics participation activity is putting forth with a bud. Currently, the systematic and scientific approach in study of social worker's the political participation is short. This study analyzes the present situation of political participation action and will present political participation action contents and direction in the future. This study may give practical meaning to the social welfare practice and educational scope about what we must do to become a political influence the group. The object of this study is 1229 people in choosing social welfare politics participation investigation committee data. A participation of Korean social worker appeared that a meeting or a demonstration is high when comparing the United States. Also, electioneers, and, government bureaucrat contact, financial contributions is a half experience. The strong variable in explaining social worker's the political participation was a politics efficacy, politics interest. Political efficacy and politics interest, a joining and a political behavior proposal of an association is a influenced factor. Through this result The Civic Volunteer Model is a theory to able to explain social worker's the political participation. Approach growing the political efficacy and politics interest is very important in activating politics participation. Role of a social welfare association or a group was important in order to induce politics participation and concentrate.

• Health Policy and Management
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.244-259
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• 2013

This study investigates the moderation effect that organizational trust had on the relationship between perceptions of organizational politics and organizational commitment, intention to turnover, organizational citizenship behavior by analyzing the empirical data of 716 personnels collected from university hospital in Korea. We hypothesized that perceptions of organizational politics would tended to negatively related to a high level of organizational commitment and intention to turnover, organizational citizenship behaviors, and that organizational trust would moderate the relationship between perceptions of organizational politics and outcomes. These results suggest that organizational politics of perceptions had negative impacts on organizational commitment and organizational citizenship behaviors, while perceptions of organizational politics had positive impact on intention to turnover. Furthermore, the level of organizational trust moderated the relationship between perceptions of organizational politics and outcomes. Based on these findings, implications of the research findings are discussed, and recommendation for future research and practice are provided.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.65-76
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• 2016

Objectives : Generally, pulsation is influenced by climate change in the realms of nature. However, there is a theory explaining a phenomenon in which the pulse gets weaker and even absent for no reason, without affected by diseases; this is the Theory of South and North Politics with which medical practitioners need to be familiar when taking the pulse of patients. Methods : The researcher considered all the previous annotations and the original text of SuWen (素問) ZhiZhenYaoDaLun(至眞要大論). Results : In Five Elements' Evolutions, JiaJi(甲己) becomes Tu(土), which turns itself into the king, an honorable duty. JiaJi is a period of South Politics because it looks south to give an order while the rest eight years is a period of North Politics because they are headed north to receive an order. Conclusions : Since South Politics years look south as a standard, Cun(寸) is located at the south and Chi(尺) is at the north. Controlling the Heaven energy(司天) is located at the south and Effecting the Earth energy(在泉) is at the north. Therefore, if Sanyin is Controlling the Heaven energy(三陰司天), the Cun pulse is absent; if Shaoyin is Controlling the Heaven energy(少陰司天), Cun pulses on both wrists are not felt; if Jueyin is Controlling the Heaven energy(厥陰司天), the Cun pulse on the right wrist disappears; if Taiyin is Controlling the Heaven energy(太陰司天), the Cun pulse on the left wrist is not felt. In the case of Chi, if Sanyin is Effecting the Earth energy(三陰在泉), the Chi pulse is absent; if Shaoyin is Effecting the Earth energy(少陰在泉), Chi pulses on both wrists are not felt; if Jueyin is Effecting the Earth energy(厥陰在泉), the Chi pulse on the right wrist disappears; if Taiyin is Effecting the Earth energy(太陰在泉), the Chi pulse on the left wrist is not felt. North Politics years appears conversely as compared with South Politics years.

• Safety and Health at Work
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.72-76
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• 2017

Background: Workplace victimization is considered a major social stressor with significant implications for the wellbeing of employees and organizations. The aim of this study was to examine the influences of employees' personality traits and organizational politics on workplace victimization among Ghanaian employees. Methods: Using a cross-sectional design, data were collected from 631 employees selected from diverse occupations through convenience sampling. Data collection tools were standardized questionnaires that measured experiences of negative acts at work (victimization), the Big Five personality traits, and organizational politics. Results: The results from hierarchical multiple regression analysis showed that among the personality traits neuroticism and conscientiousness had significant, albeit weak relationships with victimization. Organizational politics had a significant positive relationship with workplace victimization beyond employees' personality. Conclusion: The study demonstrates that compared with personal characteristics such as personality traits, work environment factors such as organizational politics have a stronger influence on the occurrence of workplace victimization.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.16
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• pp.257-272
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• 2013

This paper analyzes six different ways of articulating the relationship between art and politics. It calls attention to the differences that lurk behind the seemingly simple phrase-everywhere in vogue today-the "politics of aesthetics." Five of these models are drawn from contemporary discussions regarding the politics of art. The last model is the attempt to develop an account of the politics of aesthetics that is faithful to the difficult and ambiguous dimensions of the aesthetic experience that were hinted at by the texts of classical philosophical aesthetics. Most notably, this paper is concerned with the idea that the aesthetic experience can be understood as a form of disinterested contemplation-one that is not reducible to cognitive or moral considerations-and with some of the consequences that this entails. It explores some of the political significance that can be attributed to this idea of disinterested contemplation, arguing that the aesthetic should be understood as a withdrawal from the world's pre-established meanings. Unlike some of the other thinkers discussed in this paper, this author doubts that a single, uniform meaning can be ascribed to the aesthetic experience. I thus argue that we need to approach the aesthetic through the networks of textual significance that have been built up around it. Throughout this paper, I attempt to explain how the efforts to link art and aesthetics to politics simultaneously give rise to ideas about the nature of the human community. In looking at the sixth and final model, what I have called the "anarchical politics of aesthetic ambiguity," I argue that the aesthetic tradition offers a rather unique way of understanding the relationship between the individual and the community. Here, we see that the aesthetic is prone to a number of paradoxes, central among them the one that makes art the bearer of a solipsistic pleasure in which we nevertheless discover our capacity for genuinely communicating with others, outside of cliches and banalities.