• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.33-50
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• 1999

The purpose of this study is to analyze the relationship of housewives’sense of ancestral service and behavior and to verify the how housewives’value orientation affects the sense of ancestral service and behavior. The data are collected from 393 housewives in urban. The statistics used for the analysis are Cronbach’$\alpha$, Frequency, Percentage, Mean, SD, and Multiple Regression Analysis. The results are summarized below: First, among the variables, degree of fate-control orientation is the most, on the contrary, material orientation is the lowest. Second, value orientation variables that affect sense and behavior of ancestral service are material orientation and gender equilibrium orientation. Third, the behavior of ancestral service is more traditional than sense of ancestral service. Fourth, cause-and-effect variable which affect behavior of ancestral service are education level, religion(Buddhism, Catholicism), employment status, number of children, health, daughter in -law’s ranking, sense of ancestral service, and value orientation, which affect the direct or direct and indirectly. Especially sense of ancestral service variable is the most important mediation one. We expect further studies on the sense of ancestral service and behavior with precise scale and sampling.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.105-124
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• 1990

The purpose of this study is to investigate 1) the level of the city housewives' sense and behavior of wedding and ancestral service according to the background variables, 2) the relationship of the sense of wedding and ancestral service and behavior, and 3) what the most influential factors are. For the purpose of this study, 700 questionnaire were distributed to the housewives who live in Seoul and collected during the February 1989. And the measuring instruments are composed of 9 questions, 11 questions of the sense of wedding service, 12 questions of the sense of ancestral service, 11 questions of the behavior of wedding service, and 12 questions of the behavior of ancestral service. To obtain the sense and behavior of wedding and ancestral service scale, item analysis through Pearon's correlation and factor analysis, frequency distribution, percentile, mean, standard deviation, t-test, F-test, Pearson's γ, Paired-t-test, Duncan's Multiple Range Test, and Stepwise multiple Regression were used for data analysis. The major fidnigs are as follows: 1. The general tendency of the city housewives' sense of wedding service was modern. That of the city housewives' sense of ancestral service was the mid level of the traditional and the modern. According to background variable (ie: age, educational level, the number of children, the duration of marriage, religion, the existence of job, the existence of married son and daughter), the city housewives' sense of wedding service is different significantly. Accoring to background variable(ie: age, educational level, the average home income a month, the number of children, the duration of marriage, religion, the existence of married son and daughter), the city housewives' sense of ancestral service is different significantly. 2. The general tendency of the city housewives' behavior of wedding service was modern. That of the city housewives' behavior of ancestral service was somewhat modern. According to background variable(ie: age, educational level, the number of children, the duration of marriage, the existence of married son and daughter, the form of family), the city housewives' behavior of wedding service is different significantly. According to background variable(ie" age, educational level, the number of children, the duration of marriage, religion, the existence of job, the existence of married son and daughter), the city housewives' behavior of ancestral service is different significantly. 3. There were positive correlation between the city housewive' sense and behavior of wedding and ancestral service(P<.001). And the housewives' sense of wedding service was modernized than that of ancestral service, the housewives' behavior of ancestral service was modernized than that of wedding service. 4. The city housewives' sense of wedding service was the duration of marriage(β=-.226), influential factor. And influential factors on that of ancestral service were educational level(β=.250), the existence of married son and daughter(β=-.123), number of children(β=-.101). The influential factors on the city housewives' behavior of wedding service were age(β=-.193), the form of family(β=.097). And that of ancestral service were educational level(β=165), the number of children(β=-.157).

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.41 no.3
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• pp.113-129
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• 2003

This study was examined about consciousness and actual service, functions of ancestral rite in modem society. In order to study, the questionnaires for 401 university students were used and personal interviews with 14 as 7 female,7 male. Data were analyzed using the SAS programs. The main results of this study were as follows: The male's consciousness and actual service was significant higher than female's about the traditional ancestral rite. The religion was affected significant variable in ancestral rite. When the family hold many performs and students are participate in ancestral rite many times, they are positive about traditional ancestral rite. On the functions of ancestral rite the students thought the ancestral rite influenced family members and relatives to promote mutual family membership.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.27 no.5
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• pp.93-100
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• 2022

Korea's ancestral culture has limited travel and contact due to Corona (COVID-19). In addition, Korean ancestral culture meets in person to commemorate the deceased. In this paper, we propose a non-face-to-face metaverse memorial platform service that can commemorate the deceased and perform ancestral rites in the cyber world (virtual reality) by applying the metaverse technology. The services proposed in the study consisted of a remembrance hall that displays the life story of the deceased, a ancestral hall that conducts ancestral rites for the deceased, and a deceased pavilion that checks the remains and wills of the deceased. In addition, the virtual reality device (HMD: Head Mounted Display) set the teleportation and content resolution to 4K to minimize dizziness. In particular, the priests applied interaction technology to provide an immersive service for ancestral rites between family members. The researched memorial hall metaverse service is a metaverse-based platform service that allows anyone to commemorate the deceased as a family unit in a non-face-to-face state rather than face-to-face.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.141-164
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• 1989

The Purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between the urban home-maker's view of homemanagement and the domestic courtesy and ritual (wedding ceremany, ancestral service, funeral rites). The data for this study was obtained from the 661 homemakers who live in Seoul, Busan, Inchon etc. The data were analyzed by the method described below with SPSS Computer programs. Such methods as frequence, percentile, analysis of variance (t-test, one-way ANOVA), Pearson's correlation and Factor analysis, Multiple regression were used. The major results the study can be summaried as follows; 1) As the result of factor analysis about view of homemanagement, 10 factors (which Eigen Value was above 1.0) out of 28 guestions were extracted. 2) In general, it can be said that the urban Homemaker's View of homemanagement varies by age, level of education, religion. 3) The domestic courtesy and ritual (wedding ceremony, ancestral servic, funeral rites) varies by age, level of education, religion. 4) There is a positive relation in analyzing the correlation between the urban homemaker's view of homemanagement and domestic courtesy and ritual (wedding ceremony, ancestral service, funeral rites)(p<.001).

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.37 no.1
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• pp.133-143
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• 1999

Originally, ancestral rites is a ceremony to pay filial piety to ancestors continuously even though they died, and this is a startingpoint based on the thought of paying respect to ancestors and 'root consciousness' which Korean people have. In the earliest days, Korean people worshipped nature and the sacrificial rituals were performed mainly for the fods of the skies and the earth. After the end-Koryeo Era introduced [Juja-Garye]ancestrial rites of forefather in home generalized. By the way, the foods for ancestrial rites on the original literature centering the [Sa-Rye-Pyon-Ram]are as follows: raw meat(saeng: 牲), rice and broth(ban, gaeng: 飯羹), fruits(果), slice meats(po: 脯), salted dry fish(jaban(佐飯), rice punch(sikhye: 食醯), soup(tang: 湯), fish and meat, roasts beef (jeok: 炙), roast vegetable(sookchae: 熟菜), rice cake(pyon: 餠), noodles(麵), soy(醬), Kimchi(沈菜), drink(酒), green tea(cha: 茶) etc. Today, ancestral rites, basically with this conception, has a function to bind the family and relatives as one. But as double income family are increasing, most housewives have heavy burden mentally and financially to prepare the food for the ancestral. The foods for ancestral rites can be said a way to express the internal true heart, and a basic medium to practice the filial piety. Many documents let us know that a few days before the ancestral rites, we should prepare the food for it with careful and pious attitude. And, they stress that our sincere attitude in preparing food is important rather than its quantity. In this industrial society, we have lots of difficulty preparing and observing the same service as it in the traditional socity. But I think that housewives can be freed from the burden they have to some degree when they realize what the true meaning of ancestral rites is and that the food for it plays a role an external expression.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.56-69
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• 2011

A Gamsil is an ritual instrument which enshrine the ancestral tablets of four lines from late great-great-grandfather and grandmother to late father and mother. This has their soul. Juja's "Garye" informs its structure pattern. It is placed in Sadang and takes the form of a perfectly square box. It partitions four rooms and enshrine an ancestral tablet room by room. They get the ancestral tablets line up from west to east. And they also enshrine the ancestral tablets without his descendant together in Gamsil. A Gamsil is a space to enshrine the ancestral tablets and to place an order within a family. A social status and A family economic power become a standard in making and managing Sadang. Kingdom in Joseon period limited the ancestral tablets considering of his degree of official rank which descendant enshrined. A official servant can be stable economically in getting a stipend and build sadang in the house. While household a little in economic enshrine the ancestral tablets at a Gamsil placed at the a space of private home. His personal circumstances make size and pattern, place change in relation to Gamsil. A Gamsil looks like house in structure and pattern. It has the immortality of the soul. And it changed from a table size to a ancestral tablet size. This Gamsil is comfortable to move and is made considering of the width and height of household. The transition of Gamsil means institutions is in close to a family economic power in social change. Kingdom in Joseon early period makes a policy of a Gamyo's build and an ancestral enshrine in basement of Juja's "Garye". The transition of Gamsil gave a common people limitted socially and institutionally the service of late four lines. Most of people enshrine the ancestral tablets of their four lines in approaching of in the late of Joseon Dinasty. They compromise on their reality and cause. The transition of Gamsil implied many different things in social ; the authenticity search and a dignity expression of his family, the foundation for the diffusion of an ancestral service, a space sharing with ancestor and descendent, the increment of a family economic power etc.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.235-246
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• 2001

The survey on the practice of the memorial ceremonial food in Chuncheon area showed it varied according to social position of officiator, location(inland or seaside town) , and personal condition. The study included the foods prepared for the memorial services on the memorial day. New Year's Day and Chusok. 1. 40.4% of the subjects were in the thirties at their age, 46.6% were high school graduates, 57.3% were the first daughter-in-law, 40.4% had no religion, 30.9% were working at public administration and earned less than 1 to 1,5 million won monthly. 2. 71.7% of the subjects who replied that the ancestor worship service had to be kept were Buddhists. 55.4% of them were high school graduates, and 58.8% of them ran independent businesses. They learned how to practice the ancestor worship service from their mother before marriage or from their parents-in-law after marriage. 3. The older the officiators, the better they wanted to keep the traditional format of the service, but the Christians and Catholics wanted to change the format to western style in the future. 4. 92.7% of them served cooked milled rice. They prepared the soup in the order of beef soup, radish soup and dried Alaskan pollack soup. 5. Among cooked vegetable dishes, bracken was used the most and balloonflower root, mung bean sprout and spinach followed. Among jeon(pan-fried foods). frozen Alaskan pollack was used the most and buckwheat, mung bean and meatball followed. 6. They served san-juk(beef kebab) mostly on the ceremony. Among the grilled foods, tofu was the favorite, and croaker followed. 7. Among the fried foods. squid was the favorite, and sweet-potato and shrimp followed. Among the dried foods. they used in the order of dried Alaskan pollack, dried beef and squid. 8. Among the rice cake and traditional confectionery, they used in the order of Yak-sik(sweet rice cake), Gang-jeong(fried glutinous rice cookie), Jeol-pyun and In-jeol-mee. Among a beverage, they served Sik-hye(fermented rice drink) mostly. 9. Among fruits, apples. jujube, chestnut and dried persimmon were served. Aong a liquor, Cheongju was served mostly. 10. Soy sauce, salt and salted fermented fish were served, too.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.435-466
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• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.

• Culinary science and hospitality research
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.135-154
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• 2004

This study surveyed ancestral service preparation and sacrificial consciousness of housewives living in Pusan and Yeosu area. Statistical analysis of chi-square test was carried out by using SAS program. The results are summarized as follows. l. In major general characteristics of subjects, the forties(35.56%), Buddhism (57.79%), high school education(52.54%), a couple with children(63.45%) were the most abundant. 2. The time of sacrificial rites in both areas was usually hold from 23:00 to 01:00 (47.16%). The housewives having a job hold earlier the service than the full-time housewives(p<0.05). 3. The range of ancestor-memorial rites was usually up to 3rd generation(34.47%). The leader of sacrificial ceremony was mainly the eldest grandson by the eldest son (78.28%) in the old subjects and a person of wealth in the young subjects(p<0.05). 4. There were more positive answers for the necessity of a sacrificial ceremony (57.32%). Older than 50 years of subjects thought the sacrificial rites should be held(70.77%), while as the age of subjects was younger, they realized less necessity for that(p<0.05). Sacrificial consciousness was higher in Buddhists than the other religionists(p<0.0001). The sacrificial rites was thought to be needed for their harmonious family(50.43%). Younger subjects thought that it is necessary to succeed that as the tradition, while older housewives thought that it would contribute toward peace in their family(p<0.05). Buddhists and Christians answered that it was good for harmonious family, and Catholics and the others for tradition(p<0.01). Their consideration of sacrificial rites in the future was higher in keeping the traditional practice (37.04%) and Buddhists took higher these consideration(43.17%). Considering the sacrificial consciousness, there were statistical differences among the religionists (p<0.0001). The eldest daughter-in-raw had a different opinion about the following up the method of sacrificial ceremony from second eldest daughter-in-raw and the next one(p<0.05). The housewives in Pusan were showing more the affirmative attitudes to keep the traditional practice than those in Yeosu.