• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.5-38
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• 2019

After the democratization movement in 1987, korean politics was transformed into three kim's politics by y Kim Yeong-sam, Kim Dae-jung and Kim Jong-pil. Before the time of three kim's politics, korean politics lasted for one long term, but three kim's politics made possible the peaceful regime change through political party integration and party coalition. The evaluation of three kim's politics coexist both positive and negative. The Positive political effects are diversification of political party composition and stabilization of regime change. Three kim's politics transformed the political party composition of Korea from a two-party system to a multi-party system, made possible a peaceful regime change through the unification of three parties and the DJP coalition. However, the negative political distortions of three kim's politics are the shortening of political parties and the concentration of political ideology. In three kim's politics, political party in Korea has a very short life due to the creation of political parties, the dissolution of political parties, the reorganization of political parties and the integration of political parties. Conservatism and progressive tendencies related three kim's politics were stabilized through Yeongnam region and Honam region. Therefore, three kim's politics means that the proportion of Korean politics is very high. Political effects and distortions derived from three kim's politics have become a challenge for Korean politics to overcome.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.10
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• pp.563-574
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to investigate effects of source credibility of political youtubers on attitude toward contents and politicians/political party and political decision making. The total number of 326 responses from online survey were analyzed. Results indicate that three factors of source credibility, similarity, charisma, and expertise positively affected attitude toward political contents on youtube in statistical significance. Five attributes of source credibility, familiarity, charisma, similarity, attractiveness, and trustworthiness positively affected attitude toward political youtube contents and politicians/political parties. Furthermore, attitude toward contents and politicians/political parties significantly increased voting intention to politicians/political parties.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.145-179
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• 2002

This study explores the change of family policy in Germany focused on political ideologies and instruments of CDU/CSU and SPD. In past 50 years after the 2. world war the family policy in Germany has been influenced by ideologies of 2 major political parties. With conservative political perspectives, CDU and CSU intend to strengthen the institution family and traditional division of domestic work. Therefore, they prefer indirect support methods by income tax benefit for family as political instrument. SPD with liberal political perspectives intends to support working married women and children. As political instrument SPD prefers allowance for child to indirect support system. This different political perspectives of 2 major parties have been reflected automatically on the federal administrative system(BMFSFJ) which takes responsibility of family policy in Germany. Through the analysis of attitudes to family policy of major parties in Germany this paper attempts to be manifest the problem of korean family policy and to find implications of german modell.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.73-89
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• 2014

Everyone has a voice and can broadcast it to the world. We hear about the old maxim of media do not tell people what to think but what to think about. Under this theory or approach, a key function of political communication is to make the public think about an issue in a way that is favorable to the sender of the message. In a democracy, political communication is seen as crucial for the building of a society where the state and its people feel they are connected. Thus, this is a study on how social media (e.g., Facebook, blogs, and YouTube) were used in the domain of Malaysian politics during the 13th general election campaigning period in order to set the agenda to form public opinion. The study found that Facebook was the most popular social media tool that political parties actively engaged with during the 13th general election campaign period. Apart from that, issues pertaining to the election were significantly highlighted by the political parties in social media, especially Facebook. However, other issues that were also important to the people such as the economy, crime, and education were not sufficiently highlighted during the election campaign period. This indicates that the political parties influence the public on what to think about using social media.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.217-227
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• 2020

Purpose - Against the backdrop of the recent intense political conflict in Korea's political circles, it is to reveal from an economic point of view the hidden aspects behind the hostile conflict between the two political forces. Design/methodology/approach - This paper is not a normative study to find a solution to political conflict, but a positive study to reveal the mechanism of reciprocity that exists between the two parties of conflict in real politics. Therefore, the analysis is based on game theory methodology. Findings - It is shown that the ruling party should choose a level of preemptive response that is neither insufficient nor excessive if it aims to avoid radical anti-government struggles by opposition parties. We also find that even if the chances of success of the opposition's radical offensive struggle are low, the use of that strategy is not necessarily reduced. In addition, we have obtained comparative static results that do not deviate much from our intuition. What's interesting is that unlike our intuition that the choice of the method will be indifferent if the marginal effects of radical and normal methods of struggle are the same, the opposition party rather chooses the normal method of struggle more often. Research implications or Originality - In forming the analytical model, it reflected the support of the general public following the opposition's struggle against the ruling party in order to capture real politics well in the conflict between the two opposing parties.

• Anayses & Alternatives
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.103-132
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to observe whether intergenerational differences exist in support among major Korean political parties and, if so, how they exist, based on the results of the survey conducted nationwide. To achieve the purpose of the study, a questionnaire was prepared based on conjoint analysis, and the collected data was analyzed by applying a random parameter logit model. The main results of model analysis are summarized as follows. First, among the policy variables, statistically significant results were observed in the generation of 20s and 30s for the education variable. It was found that both 20s and 30s aimed for equal education at a higher level than other generations. Especially, the highest intensity aim for equal education culture was observed in the 20s. Second, the coefficients of major political parties were observed with a high level of statistical significance. This appears to be a result suggesting that voters decide on their voting behavior through thorough policy comparisons in addition to comprehensive consideration on various current issues. Third, a clear support for conservative parties was observed in the generation of 20s. A clear and intense distribution of preference for political parties classified as conservatives was observed in the 20s generation, which can be said to be mainly college students. This seems to be a profound founding related to the issue of "conservatization of the 20s," which has recently become a hot topic in Korean society. Fourth, a high level of support for progressive parties was observed in the 30s and 40s. The Justice Party can be classified as a minority party in the National Assembly House as of January 2019. Nevertheless, it was maintained at a relatively high level in national recognition, and it is presumed that the background was high level of support from the 30s and 40s. Fifth, a large level of standard deviation was observed in the preference for conservative parties in the 50s. This means that some respondents who are in their 50s or older strongly support the Liberty Korea Party, and some respondents in the same generation strongly disapprove it. Due to this countervailing power, it seems that the average support level for the Liberal Korean Party is low in the generations of 50s and older.?

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.7 no.11
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• pp.185-194
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• 2020

This study aims to find out whether political parties apply financial reports under PSAK (Statement of Financial Accounting Standards) No. 45. The Stewardship Theory provides the analytical framework. The objects in this study were 16 Yogyakarta City Political Parties in the Special Region of Yogyakarta, with the total number of 64 respondents. The application for processing data in this study used SPSS 22 version. Based on the results of analyzing data, H1, which had a sig (2-tailed) value of 0.026 <0.05, then H0, stating that there was an influence of the statement of financial position on the implementation of PSAK, was rejected. H2 had a sig (2-tailed) value of 0.116> 0.05, so that H0, stating that there was no significant effect of the activity report on the implementation of PSAK, was accepted. H3 had a sig (2-tailed) value of 0.027 <0.05, meaning that it rejected H0, which stated that there was a significant effect of the cash flow statement on the implementation of PSAK. Furthermore, H4 had a sig (2-tailed) value of 0.744> 0.05, indicating that H0 was accepted, stating that there was a significant effect of notes to the financial statements on the implementation of PSAK.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.237-260
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• 2009

This article deals with the problem, of wether the change of party discourse influences the change of the political finance system and the change of political finance system again effects the political discourse. The political finance and state funding system for parties in Germany is a product of political debate and conflict from the 1960's to th 1990's. The introduction of the state funding system faced critical public opinion at the beginning, and the German parties have initiated a discourse building process as the initiator role and major actor. The state funding system for parties has changed three times and shows, how the constitutional interpretation became dominant in parliament and the constitutional court, which considers a party as a fundamental and essential institution in a democratic system.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.5-38
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• 2009

This study analyzes the relationship since 1988 between National Assembly, president and political parties in Korea, and to find critical conditions for developing a mutually beneficial relationship among them. It argues that the levels of both internal power concentration and cohesiveness(or discipline) of political parties matter greatly, and applies them as theoretical framework for the historical review. By 2002, major political parties were highly concentrated in power and their discipline was strong. Consequently parties fought collectively with each other and Assemblies repeatedly saw standoffs and deadlocks. Reforms of 2002-04 that sought higher degree of party democracy and more autonomy among members of National Assembly have not been able to bring in a productive legislative-president relationship. A cohesive faction politics under the leadership of (potential) presidential candidates keeps it from growing. This study suggests further democratization of party power and more autonomy to individual Assembly members.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.77-85
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• 2003

The following results are from a research on the influences of the political parties on the fashion styles. which political power was strugg1ed with each other were one of the political Phenomena featuring Chosun Dynasty. Partisan fashion styles are mainly divided into two groups : NohRon (노론) and SohRon (소론). Nonetheless. NmIn (남인) also shows several unique traits. BukIn (북인). however, does not seem to be retaining any unique styling features. which believed to be caused by lack of political Power. The style of NohRon represents the status of a ruling party, which generally had abundant resources and the image of a conservatism. On the contrary, with SohRon's style, swiftness and reform-minded images could be found. Moreover, the NohRon's style is generally known to present, as the representing the way of noble men of Chosun Dynasty wore in the past. The reason seems to have stemmed from its status as the last ruling party in Chosun Dynasty. Thus, many people of the age mimicked the style, and it gained general acceptance in turns. Consequently, it is still deemed as the prevalent style of Chosun Dynasty.