• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.36-56
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• 2021

The Amazon fires in summer 2019 triggered an incendiary Twitter debate between French president Emmanuel Macron and Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro that engaged political leaders, celebrities, and audiences worldwide. Currently, diplomats-in-chief connect to the global public through completely open debates, often without proper advice from foreign-affairs ministers, which may result in misunderstandings and conflicts among world leaders. Hence, this study argues that these interactions must be supported by Nicholas Cull's seven lessons in public diplomacy. The main topic on hand is presidential public diplomacy performed through digital means in cyberspace. Thus, after distinguishing cyberspace, digital diplomacy, and cyberdiplomacy, the literature review focuses on presidential public diplomacy, presidential diplomacy on Twitter, and Cull's seven lessons. Subsequently, the case study method provides a snapshot of the debate between Macron and Bolsonaro over the Amazon fires. This study concludes by answering the research question and indicating grist for the mill with regard to future developments.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.57-78
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• 2017

This study reveals the core values of presidents based on the content analysis of the Presidential Speech Archives and examines the policy direction of each government from a macro perspective. For this purpose, we collected the speech archives provided by the Presidential Archives and compared central words. The Presidential Speech Archives is helpful for understanding the problem-solving capacity and consciousness of presidents. Among them, we particularly selected statements in the diplomatic and trade fields as the main study targets. As a result, the presidents have basically pursued peaceful resolution and cooperation on diplomatic issues. In addition, they placed a high priority in the implementation of the economic policy in the diplomatic and trade fields.

• Strategy21
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• s.32
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• pp.97-122
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• 2013

The basic stance of the Republic of Korea Ministry of Foreign Affairs was 'quiet diplomacy'. However, there had been demands for specific plans for practical protection of Dokdo. In 2011, Prime Minister Kim Hwang Sik mentioned that they are reviewing measures of stationing marines on Dokdo, while on August 10th, 2012, former president Lee Myung Bak visited Dokdo. The visit itself was meaningful as he was the first supreme commander to visit Dokdo. This paper studies on the necessity of naval power on Dokdo to maintain its effective control. The effective control must be done by a national organization in a peaceful and unimpaired method. If so, can stationing naval power, whether directly or indirectly, on Dokdo be considered a violation of 'peaceful' method? A 'peaceful' effective of control meas the right of sovereignty over a territory without other country's protest. In such terms, protecting a territory falls under practicing the right of sovereignty, and therefore does not violate 'peaceful'. In addition, looking at international cases such as Ligitan/Sipadan Case and Pedra Blanca Case, evidences such as 'navy activity', 'flyng ensign', and 'military communication facility installation' was used. In ter case of Yemen-Eritrea dispute over Hanish, methods on effective control over island and sea was also ruled by the installation of military posts and military surveillance activities. Thus, stationing naval power on Dokdo can be a way of maintaining effective control per international law. To station naval poer on Dokdo, Presidential Instruction 24 integrated Defense Guideline Enforcement Ordinance, which is domestic law, must be revised. Reason being, the Enforcement Ordinance states that the navy area of responsibility excluded Ullundo, where Dokdo is under jurisdiction of Ullungdim thus excluding navy control. In addition, considering the diplomatic situation, it is more fut to install navy radar site on Dokdo rather than 'stationing marines'. In other words, enforcing surveillance in the vicinity of Dokdo and installing radar site instead of stationing direct combatants is one way of practicing effective control without stimulating diplomatic disputes.

• Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
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• v.8 no.6
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• pp.875-885
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• 2018

This study analyzed the major issues of the Candlelight Rally and Taegukgi Rally registered in news comments of the politics section of the portal site from October 24, 2016 to March 19, 2017. We examined the political recognition of the two rallies with the Named Entity Recognition. The main analytical items are the responsibility for impeachment, the subject and method of settlement, and other major issues. As a result of the analysis, the comments of the Candlelight Rally focused on the impeachment support and the legal penalties of the regime ministers, and insisted on resolving the political situation through the next election after impeachment. The comments of the Taegukgi Rally focused on the rejection of the impeachment to maintain the regime and insisted on rejecting the impeachment of the Constitutional Court. The conflicts between the group that supported Candlelight Rallis and the group that supported Taegukgi rallies are predicted to last at least for the time being (Park Geun-hye's trial period) after the presidential election. After the impeachment of the President and replacement of the regime this conflict will develop into the confrontation between the pursuit of liquidation and new politics and the attempt to influence the trial of Park Geun-hye. Therefore, the efforts to integrate society in the aftermath are necessary.