• Title/Summary/Keyword: the 2016 general election

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Analyzing Quotations in News Reporting from Western Foreign Press: Focusing on Evaluative Language

  • Ban, Hyun;Noh, Bokyung
    • International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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    • v.4 no.3
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    • pp.62-68
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    • 2016
  • This study explores evaluative linguistic expressions in news reporting about the 2016 general election outcome in Korean newspapers. In particular, we have examined the evaluative linguistic expressions quoted from the three Western news media -New York Times, Washington Post, and BBC, both quantitatively and qualitatively in Korean news stories in order to know how journalists frame the news stories to persuade news consumers to accept their ideologies. This is based on the assumption that quotation can be a tool in conveying ideologies to news consumers (van Dijk, 1988, Jullian, 2011). To achieve this purpose, we selected ten Korean newspapers which included quotations from the news stories of the three Western media and then analyzed the quoted expressions quantitatively and qualitatively. For a qualitative analysis, evaluative linguistic expressions were analyzed to examine the journalistic stances of the Western news stories, following Martin's (2003) appraisal theory. For a quantitative analysis, a word frequency analysis was conducted to figure out the ratio of quoted words to the whole news texts in Korean newspapers. As a result, it was found that the news stories of BBC and Washington Post were more frequently quoted than that of New York Times when journalists conveyed neutral or positive attitude to the election outcome, thus confirming that evaluative linguistic expressions were functionally employed to convey journalists' ideologies or stances to news readers.

Implication of the Election Result in line with the Nomination Conflicts of the Korean Political Parties: Based on the nomination of the ruling party and the opposition party in the 20th general election (한국 정당의 공천파동에 따른 선거 결과 함의 : 제20대 총선과정에서 여·야 정당의 공천을 중심으로)

  • Chung, Joo-Shin
    • Korea and Global Affairs
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    • v.1 no.1
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    • pp.31-70
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    • 2017
  • On December 9, 2016, the decision of impeachment of the National Assembly decided against Park Geun-hye came from the nomination conflicts of the 20th general election between Pro-Park group and Anti-Park group at the ruling Saenuri Party. Therefore, this study focused on the nomination conflicts of the ruling party and the opposition party on the election results in the 20th general election on the public sentiment of the people. The nomination conflicts of the ruling and opposite parties were a prelude to the victory of the 19th presidential election, and it was serious faction conflict. Firstly, the study examined how the nomination conflicts of each party were centered on President Park Geun-hye as well as the leaders of each party and the chairman of the nomination committee. Secondly, the study examined what kind of changes would be made to the composition of presidential candidates for each party at the time of the presidential election. Thirdly, the study examined the opposition parties' separation between the Minjoo Party of Korea and the People's Party of Korea before and after the election and the issue of initiative in Honam. As a result of the analysis, the 20th general election failed to obtain a majority seat of the ruling Saenuri Party, and the opposition won and formed the majority. The reason why President Park and Saenuri were greatly defeated in the contest even in the situation where the opposition parties were divided is the root cause in the attitude of Pro-Park group and Anti-Park group who assumed their victory. Therefore, it is highly possible to render its responsibility to President Park Geun-hye, who has become a 'past power', and it has opened up the possibility that the emergence of future power by opposition parties. In the case of the opposition party, it is clear that the battle for Honam, which is a traditional opposition party's support group, is a matter of good fortune of the two major powers, Moon Jae In and Ahn Cheol Soo.

The Strategy of Russia's Political Elites to Maintain Dominance Through the Overhaul of Electoral System (선거제도 개편을 통한 러시아 정치 엘리트의 지배력 유지 전략)

  • Siheon Kim;Seho Jang
    • Analyses & Alternatives
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    • v.7 no.1
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    • pp.7-43
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    • 2023
  • This study examines and identified a series of strategies of Russia's political elites to maintain and strengthen their dominance by reviewing the case of revisions in the election laws of Russia in 2014. At that time, a mixed-member electoral system was newly introduced, and on the surface, it seemed that the new system was a step toward meeting the demands of the people for "enhanced democracy". However, in 2016 and 2021, the ruling party of Russia won the general elections by making the most of the factors that could distort the election results inherent in the mixed-member electoral system. Therefore, this study aimed to analyze whether the revision of election laws was a mere vehicle used by the ruling party, United Russia, to maintain its political power, or whether it was a leap forward to achieve democracy. The study result indicate that the revision of election laws in 2014 was part of the policy responses to the internal conflicts in the circle of Russia's political elites, which had been rising since 2008, as well as to the public resistance. In other words, it was confirmed that the revision of election laws was one of the measures taken to "minimize competition" and "reproduce political power on a stable basis".

A Gender and The Beauty Showed in Politician's Facial Appearance as an Element of Winning in the Election Process (정치인의 외모에 나타난 선거승리의 요인으로써 아름다움(美)과 성(性))

  • Park, Sun-Young
    • Journal of Digital Convergence
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    • v.14 no.2
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    • pp.397-414
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    • 2016
  • There will be coming soon a sequence of the so-called election season in Korea. That is the 20th session of general elections and the 19th presidential election which are taking place one after another. When we talk about presidential candidate, we may realize that the choice were relied upon candidate's facial appearance and speech, voice, dress, and so on. One poll showed that capacity and policy were ranked high and figure and image were ranked next by asking "what is the most important factor when you vote for the president?" This study looked into the candidate's face of a newly elected public office through the election voting. I studied how the factors of sex and beauty may affect on the election results. I analyse survey of candidate's photo on the election leaflets. Analyzed result said that candidate's competency and trust have strong relations in the voting choice rather than beauty even if it is statistically significant. I also find that both beauty and competency are positively interrelated.

Malaysia's 13th General Election: Sabah-Barisan Nasional Fixed-Deposit State? (말레이시아 13대 총선: 사바주(Sabah)는 국민전선의 텃밭인가?)

  • ZAINI, Othman;EKO, Prayitno Joko;RAMLI, Dollah;AMRULLAH, Maraining;KIM, Jong Eop
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.26 no.3
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    • pp.91-118
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    • 2016
  • As all are aware, the results of the Malaysia 12th General Election (GE-12) in 2008 have surprised many. Not only the dominant parties Barisan Nasional (BN) were shocked by the loss of significant numbers of seats but for the first time in the history of Malaysia politics, vis-${\grave{a}}$-vis, electoral affairs, they were denied a two-thirds majority in the Parliament. Notwithstanding the opposition parties such as Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS), Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR: The People's Justice Party) that form the opposition coalition called Pakatan Rakyat (People's Alliance: PR), has come to a surprised with the GE-12 result, in which they not even think that were able to challenge hegemonic politics of BN, managed to capture and formed a government at the state level namely Kedah, Penang, Perak, and Selangor, except Kelantan which has been under the control of PAS since the 1990 general election. This article aims to analyze whether Sabah as a "fixed deposit"state is still relevant in understanding the continuity and survival of the BN political hegemony in the context of Malaysia political developments post-13th general election.

Bias caused by nonresponses and suggestion for increasing response rate in the telephone survey on election (전화 선거여론조사에서 무응답률 증가로 인한 편의와 응답률 제고 방안)

  • Heo, Sunyeong;Yi, Sucheol
    • Journal of the Korean Data and Information Science Society
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    • v.27 no.2
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    • pp.315-325
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    • 2016
  • Thanks to the advantages of low cost and quick results, public opinion polls on election in Korea have been generally conducted by telephone survey, even though it has critical disadvantage of low response rate. In public opinion polls on election in Korea, the general method to handle nonresponses is adjusting the survey weight to estimate parameters. This study first drives mathematical expression of estimator and its bias with variance estimators with/without nonresponses in election polls in Korea. We also investigates the nonresponse rate of telephone survey on 2012 Korea presidential election. The average response rate was barely about 14.4%. In addition, we conducted a survey in April 2014 on the respondents's attitude toward telephone surveys. In the survey, the first reason for which respondents do not answer on public opinion polls on election was "feel bothered". And the aged 20s group, the most low response group, also gave the same answer. We here suggest that survey researchers motivate survey respondents, specially younger group, to participate surveys and find methods boosting response rate such as giving incentive.

Thailand in 2016: The Death of King Bhumibol Adulyadej and the Uncertainty in Political Economy (태국 2016: 푸미폰 국왕의 서거와 정치·경제적 불확실성)

  • KIM, Hong Koo;LEE, Mi Ji
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.2
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    • pp.245-271
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    • 2017
  • The purpose of this study is to examine and assess the major characteristics and changes of politics, economy, and diplomacy in Thailand in 2016. Specifically, it reviewed the New Constitution that was passed in 2016, the confrontation between different political forces and the trend of military regime around the New Constitution, and the political instability caused by the accession of the new king to the throne. This study also set out to figure out changes to the economy and foreign relations of the country, including its relations with South Korea, under the military regime and make predictions for the impact and future prospects of King Bhumibol Adulyadej's death on the politics and economy of the country. In 2016, the politics of Thailand took a step further toward the transfer of power to civil government and established a foundation for an authoritarian system. The draft of the New Constitution, which does not seem to be democratic, was approved by a referendum and enabled the military authorities to continue their political interventions, even after the general election. The New Constitution, in particular, reduces the power of political parties itself in addition to simply keeping the Thaksin's party in check; thus, anticipating ongoing conflicts between the military authorities and political parties. In this situation, the absence of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, who used to play a decisive role in promoting the political stability of the country, and the accession of the new king to the throne raise concerns about the acceleration of political instability, which has continued after the coup and influenced the diplomatic relations of the country. Today, Thailand is distancing itself from Western nations that do not recognize the current military regime including the U.S.A. and EU member states and instead maintains a rapidly friendly and close relation with China. In 2016, the economy of Thailand made a gradual recovery rather than high growth. The death of King Bhumibol Adulyadej has exerted limited direct economic impacts only on individual consumption and tourism and is not likely to cause a recession. An economic crisis will, however, be unavoidable if the political confrontations escalate before the general election to transfer power to the civil government.

An Analysis of Trends on the Safety Area Utilizing Big Data : Focused on Fake News (빅데이터를 활용한 안전분야 트렌드 분석 : 가짜뉴스(fake news)를 중심으로)

  • Joo, Seong Bhin
    • Convergence Security Journal
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    • v.17 no.5
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    • pp.111-119
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    • 2017
  • As of March 2017, fake news is largely focused on political issues. Outside the country, main issues of the fake news have been a hot topic in the US presidential election in 2016 and emerged as a new political and social problem in countries like Germany and France. In Korea, issues of the fake news are also linked with political issues such as presidential impeachment and prosecution, impeachment quota, early election, etc. This phenomenon has recently led to the production and spread of fake news related to safety and security issues as well as political issues in connection with various methods of generating articles and sharing information. As a result, there is a high possibility that the information will be transformed into information that can cause considerable confusion to the public. Therefore, the recognition of such problems means that it is important at this point to consider the related situation analysis and effective countermeasures. To do this, we tried to make accurate and meaningful analysis for the diagnosis, analysis, forecasting and management of issues utilizing Big Data. As a result, it is found that the fake news is continuously generated in relation to the safety and security issue as well as the political issue in the South Korea, and differs from the general form occurring outside the country.

Malaysia in 2016: Deepening Crisis and Losing Opportunities (말레이시아 2016: 위기의 지속과 기회의 상실)

  • HWANG, In Won;KIM, Hyung Jong
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.1
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    • pp.131-161
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    • 2017
  • The political dynamics of Malaysia in 2016 should be seen as a process of losing an political opportunity mainly due to the split in opposition parties. The opportunity for political development was triggered by the ruling party in crisis. The ongoing 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal involving the Prime Minister Najib Razak would have provided a favorable condition for the transfer of power. The opposition parties have however failed to utilize the chance that has arisen since the general elections in 2008 and 2013 due to the chronic problem of disunity. It can be seen as distortions of political development referring to a phenomenon in which a chance for regime change formed by the crisis in authoritarian regime is distorted by internal conflicts among opposition parties. Malaysia's political turmoil seemed to paralyze its economy while foreign policy was used as a tool for domestic politics. It was reported that the key economic indicator have worsen including exports and budget deficit. The ringgit had dropped to its lowest level since the economic crisis in 1997-98 which was mainly attributed to diminishing credibility on the Najib's administration. Najib's political struggle has also impeded Malaysia's foreign policy which has attempt to embrace China and the Rohingya issue. The chance to manage key risks would be diminished if oppositions' disunity continues as there is speculation that the general election could be held in 2017.

Myanmar in 2016: Starting of New Era, But Uncertain Future (미얀마 2016: 새로운 시대의 시작, 불안한 미래)

  • JANG, Jun Young
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.2
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    • pp.185-212
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    • 2017
  • The National League for Democracy (NLD) has restored a civilian government since the military had taken political power in 1962 as a result of general elections on 7, November 2015. But Daw Aung San Suu Kyi could not take part in the presidential election due to some restraints in constitution, so new government created the state counsellor position and the ministry of sate counsellor's office against military's resistance. It never publicized whether the military has to back to barracks including abolish of military's occupying the parliament seats. The ruling party is still taking laissez-faire to the military's political and economic role. The National level Ceasefire Agreement called the 21st Panglong conference launched in the end of August for a week, but stakeholders only insisted their demands. Rohingya issue is not involved in the 21st Panglong conference which aims to achieve national unity. The U.S. fully lifted a comprehensive sanction toward Myanmar since 1993, Japan promised huge grant assistance succeeding the former quasi civilian government. China strived to restore alienated relations of two countries. Although Korea kept Official Development Assistance, the summit which was planed two times in 2016 did not hold. The civilian government announced twelve points of developmental agenda in July 2016, instead of destroying the national development policy of the Thein Sein government. This agenda only showed the direction of policy not road map which was the same trend of the former government. The main direction of economic development stressed agriculture but manufacture like light industry was ignored.